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Editor: MRS. W. J. WATSOtT 







10- "^.s A' 

Edinburgh : T. and A. Conbtablb, Printers to His Majesty 


A Highland Soldier's Manuscript, Rev. Donald Maclean, 

An lonndrainn, . . , B. M. N. C, 

Ardnamurchan Place-Names, . Angus Henderson, 

Comortas Aoise Idir Ceathar 

Seanoiri, .... Douglas Hyde, LL.D., 

Donald Mackinnon,M. A., Emeritus- 
Professor of Celtic, University of 
Edinburgh, . . . Bev. Donald Maclean, . 63 

Grazing and Agrestic Custoros of 

the Outer Hebrides, . . The late Alexander Garmichael, 

LL.D., 40, 144, 254, 358 




Higher Education in the High- 
lands, . . . . H, F. Campbell, 

Notes, .... 
Professor Mackinnon (with Portrait), 

. 243 

. 96, 188, 285 

Bev. Donald Lamont, M.A., 97 

Reviews of Books 

Irish Witchcraft and Demonology ; Ulster Folklore {reviewed by 
David MacRitchie) ; Heraldry in Scotland, including recension of 
the Law and Practice of Heraldry {reviewed by Andrew Ross, 
Ross Herald ) ; Modern Anglo-Irish Verse ; Deirdire and the Lay 




of the Children of Uisne ; Irish Literary and Musical Studies ; 
Gille A'Bhuidseir, the Wizard's Gillie and other Tales {reviewed 
by Donald A. Mackenzie) ; The History of the Highland Clear- 
ances ; An Old Highland Fencible Corps : The History of the 
Reay Fencible Highland Regiment of Foot, or Mackay's High- 
landers, 1794-1802, with an Account of its Services in Ireland during 
the Rebellion of 1798 ; Territorial Soldiering in the North-East of 
Scotland during 1759-1814 {reviewed by Andrew Ross, Boss Herald) ; 
The Union Flag : Its History and Design ; The Scottish War of 
Independence : A Critical Study {reviewed by W. M. MacKenzie) 
Place-names of England and Wales {reviewed by W. J. W.) ; Svold 
A Norse Sea Battle ; England Overseas {reviewed by D. A. M.) 
Alasdair MacColla : Sain-eolus ar a ghniomarthaibh gaisge ; Church 
Life in Ross and Sutherland : From the Revolution (1688) to the 
Present Time ; Commentary to the Germanic Laws and Mediaeval 
Documents ; Bibliography of Irish Philology and of Printed Irish 
Literature ; An Irish Corpus Astronomiae, being Manus O'Donnell's 
Seventeenth Century Version of the Lunario of Geronymo Cortes 
{reviewed by W. J. W.) ; Farquharson Genealogies from the Brouch- 
dearg MS. of 1733 {reviewed by Louisa K Farquharson) ; Keys to 
the Baskish Verb in Leizarragas New Testament {reviewed by W. A. 

84. 175, 280, 376 

The Adventures of L^ithin, 

Douglas Hyde, LL.D., 116 

The Biscayan Verb, 

. Edward Spencer Dodgson, 

M.A., 65, 169, 227 

The Celtic Church in its Relations 

with Paganism, . . . W.J. Watson, M.A., LL.D., 263 

The Cooking of the Great Queen, . Douglas Hyde, LL.D., . 335 

The Death of Diarmad, . . W.J. Watson, M.A., LL.D., 350 

The Effect of the 1745 Rising on 
the Social and Economic Con- 
dition of the Highlands, . Rev. Donald Maclean, . 1 



The Gaelic Version of the Thebaid 

of Statius, . . . Professor MackinnoUy 

24, 106, 198, 312 

The Mackays of Strathnaver, . Rev. A. Maclean Sinclair, 

LL.D., . .193 

The Position of Gaelic in Scotland, W. J. Watson, M.A., LL.D., 69 

The Saxones in the Excidivmi 

Brittaniae, . Rev, A. W. Wade-Evans, 

215, 322 




Since this number was printed we have 
learned with deep regret of Professor 
Maekinnon's death, which occurred in 
the Isle of Colonsay on Christmas Day. 


Jacobitism had its origin in the revolution of 1688, when 
the abandonment of the throne by James vii. and ii. had 
generated that remarkable loyalty and devotion exemplified 
in the prolonged drama in which CuUoden was the final 
tragedy. But though the continued purpose of the spirit 
of Jacobitism, as a menace to the Hanoverian dynasty, 
was then crushed, the national features of that spirit con- 


tinue still to assert themselves in warm sentiments, the 
intensity of which corresponds with the Celtic ardour of 
the individual. Clearly, then, the various risings of the 
eighteenth century cannot be intelligibly separated from 
each other, nor can the industrial and social progress in the 
Highlands in the latter half of that century, which his- 
torians have greatly exaggerated, be adequately accounted 
for by the alleged impetus given to civilisation by the 
mastery of Hanoverian arms. 

Now it is the business of the historian to sift scientifi- 
cally and synthesise all ascertainable facts and then draw 
reasonable conclusions. To be adequately equipped for 
such a task, he must have a knowledge of the language, 
literature, traditions, customs, and environments of the 
people whose history he records, as well as a sympathetic 
interest in their outlook on the world. He may be detached, 
but he must not be ignorant. It is because all historians 
of our Highland race, with one exception, from Lord 
Macaulay downwards, were palpably defective in these 
essentials, that we have presented to us in current histories 
such gloomy pictures of our Highland race previous to the 
'45 as would make us spurn the rock out of which we have 
been hewn, were it not that these depressing writings are 
historically of little value. 

Let us, then, for convenience, take the great landmark 
of the iiistorians — the '45 — as the dividing line between a 
past of alleged unmitigated barbarity and ignorance, and 
a new and glowingly glorious dispensation. By keeping 
€lose to ascertainable facts in this contrast and comparison 
on which writers insist, their picture of the past, when it 
assumes the proportion of reality, will appear wonderfully 
free of their hideous accretions, while the '45 will be found 
in fact to usher in one of the saddest and soul-harrowing 
•chapters in our chequered Highland history. What do we 
find writers of the eighteenth century to allege ? Metaphy- 
sicians like Lord Monboddo, political writers like Fletcher 
of Saltoim, and learned professors like John Millar of 


Glasgow, borrow their illustrations and images of rudeness 
and barbarity from the life and manners of a people of whose 
life they form conceptions entirely out of harmony with the 
actual and real as depicted by their own poets and chroni- 
clers. Ignorance is no excuse for the wrong done to the 
Gael by such people, as Professor Mackinnon properly 
protests. Honest Patrick Walker, with less learning than 
the historians, metaphysicians, and economists, but with 
imquestionable sincerity, in writing of the Highland host 
of 1685, for which we make no apology, suggests to us at 
once how a chivalrous people can be imagined monsters 
because of ignorance of speech. ' These Highlanders,' 
says Patrick, ' were brought to the west to rob and plunder, 
and to frighten people, more especially women and children 
by their strange language, not knowing whether they were 
to kill them or save them ahve ; which is a great aggrava- 
tion of a judgment.' Writers quoted in the Scots Magazine 
for 1746 express themselves with even greater ferocity 
when describing the people of the ' strange language,' 
although they are not directly sujBfering from a ' great 
aggravation ' of a judgment. ' The hearts of these people,' 
say they, like * the rocky Highlands they inhabit, are a soil 
that will not bear any culture.' ' All men are born alike, 
and the children of savages, with the same nature, are 
capable of the same improvement as the children of English- 
men,' and then by transporting the parents, * and breeding 
up their children in loyal principles, the name of High- 
lander by this means would in another century scarcely 
exist.' ' It now seems that Providence has given us the 
opportunity of at least reducing the number of these 
malignant wretches ; and tho' the total extirpation of 
them may not be practicable, surely none should be spared 
that have ventured to infringe our laws.' Now, these 
quotations might be dismissed as the wild ebullitions of 
frenzied but ignorant scribblers, were it not that they 
embody the opinions of the average English and Lowland 
citizen, which have passed into literary currency as a 


correct portraiture of our race. In that standard work. 
The Social Life of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century, Henry 
Grey Graham, writing of these ' dark benighted regions,' 
says : ' The ignorance, the superstition, the savagery of 
the Highlands were the despair of the Lowlands.' This 
vague but sweeping generalisation, which is surely not 
flattering, may be taken as the latest positive statement 
on the condition of our people, but must not be accepted 
without the reserve which the lack of concrete illustration 
necessarily requires. But if such writers indulge in fancy 
and present it for truth, it is our duty to investigate the 
possible data, cement them together, and deduce general 
conclusions to be placed in juxtaposition to the picture 
before us. 

The Highlanders were a homogeneous people, com- 
posed of separate and independent tribes, drawn into unity 
against a common foe by forces which were not material 
but spiritual ; and the cohesion within the clans rested on 
the community of the same traditions, the same glorious 
memories of departed heroes, and the same aspirations. 
The government and preservation of the clan was the out- 
come of this national spirit, and its practical application 
required the maintenance and care of the entity for the need 
of the whole. There was thus an interdependence between 
the family and its head, or the chief and his clan. This 
necessarily begat mutual respect, which evolved that 
heroism, loyalty, devotion, and hospitality that are the 
recognised features of the Highland character. In short, 
we had here a modified form of the socialistic state of 
modem political idealists. Was it barbarous ? Was it 
savage ? Intertribal feuds and forays there were unques- 
tionably among those martial races and those strong men 
of hot passions. But what were these but miniatures of 
those wars of aggrandisement which engaged the energy 
of every civilised state in Europe ? All European rulers 
were not humane, but all Europe was not therefore bar- 
barous. It is true that in the Register of the Privy Council 


oj Scotland from 1661-1664 there are alleged Highland 
* theifts, robberies, murthers, depredations, spuilzies, and 
other hejoious crimes.' But this was spasmodic, and not 
a continuous feature ; it was also local and not universal. 
That all chiefs were not free of cunningness and deception 
must be admitted; but while there were Barisdales and 
Lovats among them, so there were Macleods and MacRaes, 
and it is when historians accept the former as typical of 
their class, and entirely ignore the latter and more numerous, 
that history suffers violence. Diuican MacRae of Inver- 
inate was a character pleasant to contemplate. He was 
a refined and polished gentleman, cultured, liberal, and 
pious. A poet, and a collector of poetry, he invokes the 
Muse in contemplation on the higher themes of religion ; 
neither harsh nor cruel, but humane and gentle, he is as 
different from the historians' conception of a Highland 
chief of the Revolution as can well be conceived. Of the 
other, Mary Macleod sings in unstinted admiration, and her 
portrayal of the chieftain from personal observation is 
surely worthy of more credence than the fancies of those 
who wrote from behind the barrier of speech, ignorance, and 
racial prejudice. She sings : — 

And Erin shakes hands with him 

Over the brine ; 

Brave son of brave father, 

The pride of his line, 

In camp and in Council, 

Where virtue was seen ; 

And his purse was as free 

As his claymore was keen. 

To form an estimate of some accuracy of the social con- 
ditions of the community beneath the chiefs for more than 
a hundred years prior to the '45, we have fortunately at our 
disposal for examination, not merely the prose and poetry 
of the people, but the records of the ecclesiastical courts. 
These latter throw light of no inconsiderable power and 
value on the life and manners of the people. The clergy 


were rigorous disciplinarians who administered justice with 
striking impartiahty. The chief, the clergyman, and the 
commoner must alike yield to their interpretation of law. 
Acting the part of policemen and police magistrates, every 
possible crime came within their purview, and very few 
could possibly escape their watchful care. Fugitives from 
discipline were traced by the Presbytery of Inverness to 
crowded London, seagirt Orkney, mountainous Assynt, 
and remote Strathnaver, and in each case brought to task. 
The record of their persistence and success in detecting and 
punishing crime may be unhesitatingly accepted as a true 
reflection of the conduct of the worst of the people. The 
range of criminality extended over a wide field. There are 
cases of slander, disputed paternity, assault, adultery, 
fornication, breach of promise, separation, divorce, blas- 
phemy. Sabbath breaking, intemperance and begging. 
Cases of murder there are, but they are few. Capital crimes 
and higher offences against the civil law are relatively few 
in proportion to the breaches of the seventh commandment ; 
and the large catalogue of the latter is accounted for by 
the lapsing and ' trelapsing ' of the same unfortunate 
offender. The Records disclose little of the premeditated 
vindictiveness associated with crime ; slanders are often 
the result of temporary explosions of injured pride without 
criminal intentions. Assaults were committed without the 
violent brutality that now so frequently aggravates that 
kind of crime. Mean advantage of the weak, cruel and 
crafty intrigue, as well as unchivalrous treatment of the 
gentler sex do not obtrude themselves on the eye. 

It is with bitter irony indeed a Highlander might 
contrast the civilisation of the south with the so-caUed 
barbarism of the north. For after forty and more years of 
the impetus of that advancing civilisation, the hangman's 
department of the Historical Register of 1792 reveals a 
grim tale of violence exceeding in fierceness anything re- 
corded by the quick eye of the northern clergy. There we 
find lists of ' barbarians who kill horses and skin them 


undetected,' ' assassins,' ' robbers,' ' housebreakers,' ' cutters 
away of pockets,' ' incorrigable thieves,' ' stealers of coal,' 
' incorrigable prostitutes,' besides 'other thieves, cheats, 
barbarians, and prostitutes whose number cannot be 
specified.' In the domain of impure morality nothing in 
the northern records can for once be compared with the 
Whir Clubs in Glasgow and Edinburgh, where the sons of 
the better class formed themselves into societies, whose 
membership, male and female, conducted themselves in a 
manner which fills one with horror and disgust. 

The superstition of the Highlands has been the fond 
theme of many a writer, and nearly in every case to show 
the benighted state of these simple people. Superstition 
in most instances is the survival of beliefs that formed the 
ruling principles of the religion our fathers practised on the 
other side of the purifying flood of Christian years. Cleansed 
of their rude and cruel rites, the beliefs survived. Ignor- 
ance of the science of comparative religion identified those 
mysteries, charms, and incantations with a form of devil 
worship, hence the persistence with which they are sup- 
pressed, and the ascription of barbarism to their devotees. 
At Dornoch, on the 16th of February 1698, Donald McPhail 
alleged, before the Presbytery of Ross and Sutherland, 
' that his wife suffering from a distemper of the heart, and 
the said Robert pretending to a skill in the cureing therof, 
he was called for and coming he took a dishful of water and 
pouring out melted lead yrinto, it turned immediately in 
the water into the form of ane heart, and this water applyed 
to the parts about the heart had, as he alledged, a sove- 
reign virtue for cureing all the diseases of the heart.' The 
Court at once condemned the practice, and yet we find in 
Dalrymple's Decreets, 28th July 1721, 'in an action of 
Spuilzie raised and pursued before the Lords of Council 
and Session at the instance of Mr. Daniel McKilliken, 
minister of the Gospel at Alness,' a claim ' for a very fine 
stene which never failed effectually to cure severall inward 
diseases in horses worth at least £66 13s. 6d. (scot.) ' Here 



we have the mystery rehgion of the vagrant empiricist 
condemned as barbarous heathenism, while the similar 
empiricism of the cultured evangelical divine is honoured 
by recognition and reward in the annals of our civilised 
law-courts. Though the Beatons and the M'Connachers 
were eminent physicians fully abreast of the scientific 
knowledge of their time, their successors were not equally 
scientific and capable, and the mystery religion with its 
weird practices continued to keep its hold on the faith of 
the people. The blood of the cock's comb was applied to 
shingles, and the ' civilised ' have called us savage for bury- 
ing a live cock to cure epilepsy. But what will the ' civi- 
lised ' have to say of Dr. Graham of Newcastle, ' who ' on 
the 21st of July 1792, ' for the cure of a scorbutic disorder 
placed himself and a young woman both naked to the earth 
covered up to the lips for more than five hours.' Which 
was the more barbarous act ? Nor do we find in our 
records of clerical infirmities anything so blatantly irreli- 
gious as the language of a contemporary English parson, 
who when ' he had delivered eight or ten lines of his sermon, 
the fumes of the hot punch overwhelmed him so effectually, 
that he fell sprawling in the pulpit.' On getting up he thus 
addressed his hearers : ' My good friends, I don't know 
whether you have had enough, but I am sure I have : fare- 
well.' But it may be protested that the life of a community 
should not be historically described from isolated instances, 
and after all the class of people who came under the lash 
of the session and presbytery was a comparatively small 
one, and that the records of a police court are an unsafe 
standard of a country's morality. We agree, on condition 
that the historians apply the same criterion with equal dis- 
crimination to the life of the north as to that of the south. 
We claim that our chiefs should be judged by the standard 
provided by the life and conduct of the pious and cultured 
MacRae, and not by that of our most turbulent and crafty 
raider, and that the common people should be set before 
us, not in the light of their chief deficiencies, but in the truer 


light of their warm and generous daily Hfe. If that were 
done the hideous features which the rhetorical word-painters 
have daubed on the pages of our Scottish history, which 
we are obliged to read, would vanish ; and we would have 
presented to us a people neither ignorant nor barbarous. 

It has to be proved that culture consists in the know- 
^ ledge of the English alphabet. Culture indeed can neither 
be taught nor communicated. It is the development of a 
people along the lines of their vital interests. Religion, 
whether in the ancient form of the worship of the fierce 
gods of the Celtic pantheon, or in the revealed form of the 
New Testament, was their chief concern. With the eyes 
of their soul unglazed with the artificial aid of acquired 
knowledge, they peered into the mysteries of the visible 
and invisible world : and they interpreted their religion 
by the visible symbols around them. This developed an 
imaginative faculty of unparalleled power among races, a 
rapid intuition and swift vision, faculties and features that 
are surely close handmaidens to culture. So it was that 
when surgeon Alex. Ross of Tain came to the people of 
Easter Ross in 1717 with the freethinking of the 'great 
scholars and learned men at College,' and argued ' against 
the chief principle of our religion such as the being of a 
God,' the common people answered him by referring him 
to the tides, the sun, the moon and the stars, reasoning 
from nature to nature's God. Writing of his people on 
20th June 1744, the Rev. John Balfour of Nigg says : ' They 
often fill me with a conscious blush when I am among 
them and hear them praying as well as speaking to reli- 
gious cases. The men of letters dispute Heaven, these 
live it.' And yet these are the people that English writers 
call savages ! 

In humble circumstances, and still humbler homes of 
rude turf or wicker, the common people prove that happi- 
ness dwells more frequently in the hovel than in the gilded 
chamber. Without the pressure of an artificial environ- 
ment, they lived their days in contentment and joy. To 



the whir of wheel and motion of distaff, the rehgious songs, 
Ijnric poetry, and the heroic ballads of centuries past 
nourished their intellectual lives. In the poorest hovel 
were men and women skilled in recitation, and with oral 
literature so full of wit, imagination, feeling, and dignity, 
at their disposal, life was not a cold and soulless mechanism 
making its daily revolutions in quest of gain. True, they 
fought and fought manfully, but that was but a mere 
sportive remission of energy and enthusiasm in loyalty to 
the ideal. There was no staring poverty, no grinding of 
the poor. One hesitates to accept the history that sets 
them forth as a rude and savage herd. The people that 
produced the poets and poetry of The Book of the Dean of 
Lismore, or of the Fernaig MS., or of the MSS. of the Advo- 
cates' Library, surely merit a different definition. Were 
they benighted or uncivilised who could produce, or appre- 
ciate, the mass of literature that culminates in the ennobling 
themes of the imaginative genius of Rannoch ? Surely a 
truer description of them, and of their life and joy, than that 
given by the historians is found in the pathetic farewell of 
the aged author of Oran na Comhchaig as the buoyant, happy 
Hfe he lived among them glides from his view : — 

And woe is me, 'tis past, 'tis past. 

The men who rejoiced shall rejoice no more, 

In the stir of the chase, in the bay of the hounds, 

The laugh and the quaff and the jovial roar ! 

This condition of joyful life which passed through many 
vicissitudes was gradually disappearing since the begin- 
ning of the eighteenth century, and at the '45 received its 
deathblow. It does not seem amiss to examine here the 
forces that brought this about. 

The opposing principles and aspirations which came into 
final conflict at Culloden do not admit of easy analysis. It 
seems clear, however, that the spirit of Jacobitism was more 
national and ecclesiastical than djniastic or political. The 
ecclesiastics differed from each other by the distance of the 


credential beliefs and policies of Presbyterianism from those 
of Episcopacy and Romanism. The former dreaded the 
' mahgnant party who were against our happy establishment 
to the great disturbance of the peace and the overthrow of 
the reHgion and liberties of our dear native land.' Doubtless 
the Episcopalians and Romanists, who differed hotly from 
one another, identified themselves with the Stuart cause, 
each hoping, thereby, to attain ascendency in the land. 
Some of the chiefs were by conviction religiously afraid of 
the ' tyranny bred in France,' and accordingly arrayed 
themselves against it ; others, groaning under grievances 
inflicted by the EngHsh Parliament since the Union, hailed 
an opportunity to regain lost power. The common people 
followed their chiefs in response, not merely to the spirit 
of loyalty to the chief, but also to their national ideal. 
Tenacity to an ideal was always a feature of the Gael, and 
the more the Gall encroached on his isolated domain, the 
more he felt bound to defend it. The land and its tradi- 
tions were a sacred heritage. He did not weigh the possible 
material advantage that might come from a change in his 
conditions, for his attachment to his heritage was more 
than material : it was spiritual. It is only by a careful 
consideration of the latter phenomenon that the extra- 
ordinary devotion of the common people becomes intel- 
ligible and an object worthy of admiration. Doubtless 
many of the common people fought on the Hanoverian 
side, but possibly they would excuse themselves as the 
' malignant ' of Kintail did in the seventeenth century to 
the Presbytery of Dingwall, by confessing that he fought 
' but not according to my judgment.' 

Severe as was the penalty of their loyalty at Culloden, 
far severer were the cruelties, insults, and indignities that 
followed. These can be traced to two sources : the re- 
vengeful militarism of Cumberland, and the low character 
of his troops. ' Their peaceful Glens,' says Skene, ' were 
visited with the scourge of a licentious soldiery let loose 
upon the helpless inhabitants.' That this is by no means 



a too severe indictment is amply proved by the Active 
Testimony, a little tract, now very rare, published in 1749. 
It was by the extreme covenanters who had no sympathy 
with Jacobitism, and is accordingly the more valuable aid 
to the science of historical accuracy. ' Cumberland's red- 
coats,' says the Testimony, ' were vermin from hell, who 
came in shoals from Flanders and England, bellowing forth 
their horrid curses and blasphemous oaths, and robbing, 
stealing, and ruining aU wherever they came, defiling the 
land with their abominable whoredoms and other unclean- 
nesses. Cumberland himself wrought all manner of 
wickedness with greediness and a high hand.' After 
Culloden ' the redcoats not only barbarously murdered the 
wounded and massacred the unarmed onlookers, but like 
incarnate devils they raged through the country murder- 
ing women and children and old infirm men in many places, 
and burning others in barns and in their houses without 
distinction of age or sex ; hanging up some on iron hooks 
by the chins, and hanging up others by the thumbs, and 
then whipping them to death.' ' The country was so 
wasted that multitudes died of famine, many were found 
dead in caves, in huts, and in the fields with grass in their 
mouths,' and all these horrid tragedies were acted in the 
land by the special command of their inhuman Duke. An 
oj0&cer of the Hanoverian army corroborates with minute 
details this testimony of terrible atrocities. ' His royal 
Highness,' says the ofiicer, ' has therefore been obliged to 
lay the rod more heavy upon them by carrying fire and 
sword through their country, and driving off their cattle, 
which were brought into the camp in great numbers, some- 
times two thousand in a drove : and that the people were 
in a most deplorable way, and must perish by sword or 
famine, in particular Lochiel's house at Achnacary was 
burned on the 28th May 1746; Kinlochmoidart's, Keppoch's, 
Glengarry's, Cluny's, and Glengyles are served in the same 
manner ; vast numbers of the common people's houses or 
huts are likewise laid in ashes ; all the cattle, sheep, goats. 



etc., are carried off, and several poor people, especially 
women and children, have been found dead in the hills, 
supposed to be starved. Three men found in arms in 
Lochaber were hanged.' Well might Will Eraser of Balmain, 
W.S., write to the Barons of the Exchequer, that ' after 
the burning of the house of Castledounie, the evening of the 
day of the Battle of CuUoden, General Husk, who attended 
with the military, took care of all that was within, and the 
Sutherland militia carried off the whole that was without, 
of Cows, Horses, Oxen, etc., and the very meal out of the 
mills and Girnells, so that except three old coach-horse 
that were taken away by a servant of the late Captain 
Munro of Culcaim, there was not a sixpence saved of the 
late unfortunate Lord's whole effects within or without 
doors.' No wonder though John Roy Stuart sang in his 
plaintive dirge of woe : — 

'Neath their feet we are trampled, 

To our shame and ample disgrace, 

Our lands and our dwellings 

Are wasted and felled to our face, 

Castle Downie, fire-blackened. 

Is a ruin all lacking in form, 

Oh, how bitter the changes 

That have left us to range in the storm. 

But not satisfied with these orgies of cruel passion, the 
demon of lust is let loose till John Roy can indeed bewail 

that ; — 

On our track is Duke William 

And we fall by his villainous hand. 

Till the vilest and basest 

On the flower of our race have their stand. 

How literally true is this description can be seen from 
a letter written by an officer in the duke's army at Fort 
Augustus on 10th June 1746 : ' Yesterday His Royal 
Highness gave a fine hoUand smock to the soldiers wives, 
to be run for on these galloways, also bare backed, and 
riding with their limbs on each side of the horse, like men. 


Eight started and there were three of the finest heats ever 
seen.' The moral baseness of His Royal Highness and his 
followers would require no further proof. By such people, 
and in such circumstances, was the glorious dispensation 
ushered in. No wonder though it was not fraught with 
blessing. When these moral pests were let loose on the 
people, they not only brought with them moral evils but 
physical diseases. In the island of Barra in the year 1746 
the population was nearly decimated by smallpox, introduced 
by a party of military, and in the parish of Glenelg a hundred 
and forty persons were cut off by the same scourge traced to 
the same source. The many outdoor games were discarded 
for the indoor games of cards with their attendant trickery 
and quarrel, against which practice the religious poets, like 
MacLauchlan of Abriachan, inveigh with terrific vehemence. 
Religion got a set back from which it took years to recover, 
and lawlessness became rife. This is one example which has 
no parallel in any of the previous Presbyterial Records. On 
the 25th July 1750, a reference came up to the Presbytery 
of Tain, from the Kirk Session of Rosskeen, in regard to 
' scandalous practices of diverse persons in Obsdale which 
are the subject of much grievous offence, complaint, and 
reproof through the country. Compeared John Eraser, 
tenant in Obsdale, Margaret MacKenzie, his wife, and 
Catherine Eraser, his daughter . . . and testify that upon 
the night intervening between the 22nd and 23rd of May, 
about or after midnight, John Munro, tacksman in Obsdale, 
Hugh Munro, tacksman in Culcraigie, and John Mimro, 
tacksman in Kilistrie, did enter into the house of the said 
John Eraser in Obsdale, the people of the family being in 
bed and asleep, and having lighted a candle which they had 
brought with them, they dragged out of bed the said John 
Eraser's wife, Margaret MacKenzie (an aged woman who 
has been for some years in a most infirm and languishing 
state of health) and Catherine Eraser, her daughter, a girl 
seventeen years, and having cast them on the hard and cold 
floor without allowing them any time to put on any of their 


clothes besides their shirts, using most horrid cursings 
and imprecations, calling them witches and devils, that 
Hugh Munro and John Munro aforesaid of Alness parish 
having drawn swords, held both the said women fast, while 
the other John Munro in Obsdale scored and cut their fore- 
heads with an iron tool to the effusion of blood calling them 
witches.' Then follows minute and harrowing details 
deponed by several witnesses, and which are of such un- 
savoury character as renders their reproduction here impos- 
sible. This then is the first fruit of the new and glorious 
dispensation ! Misery possessed the land. A minister 
from the north, writing on 21st June 1746, says : ' As the 
most of this parish is burned to ashes and all the cattle 
belonging to the rebels carried off by His Majesty's forces, 
there is no such thing as money or penny worth to be got 
in this desolate place. My family is now much increased 
by the wives and infants of those in the rebellion in my 
parish crowding for a mouthful of bread to keep them from 
starving ; which no good Christian can refuse notwith- 
standing the villany of their husbands and fathers to 
deprive us of our religion, liberty, and bread.' Beggary 
had become so prevalent that kirk-sessions had to legalise 
it by certificate. Mothers with infants on their arms 
trudged through pathless glens and over trackless hills to 
the nearest towns, begging and, alas ! starving on the way. 
In towns the horde of beggars swelled so alarmingly that 
the poor mothers from the hills were refused nature's 
coarsest products for the maintenance of life. Young 
women offered themselves for servile labour in southern 
towns and country districts, and alas ! in many instances 
the glow of beauty nurtured in the heather and in happy 
innocence, their only asset in city life, proved their 

Landlordism, a new force in Highland life, sprang now 
into power, and exercised its oppressive measures through 
cruel underlings. Concurrently with its rise appeared also 
a new feature in Highland character, a profound and bitter 


dislike for superiors, i.e, landlordism in particular, or who- 
ever was its embodiment. Landlordism may have been 
the outcome of new economic forces, and its oppression a 
natural expression of the greed which characterised it. 
But forces that oppressed begat here as always forces of 
retaliation, and the latter having their origin as early as 
1715 have developed into that form of political redicalism 
which has ever since fired the Highland imagination. Sea- 
forth, who possessed a great part of Ross-shire, soon after 
the '15, feeling the need of money, and, as a Government 
official says, ' remarkably disposed to grow rich, screwed 
his rents to an extravagant height.' As early as 1730, Rev. 
John Balfour of Nigg preaches against the sins of the times 
and marks out ' overrenting,' ' exorbitant charges,' ' oppres- 
sion,' and ' luxurious entertainments ' as among the chief. 
The paternal interest of the old chieftains was giving way, 
and the change of '45 destroyed it, for love for the people 
gave place to love of luxury. So it was that lands were 
cleared for greater rents. Men with money held the land 
under wadset and mortgage ; and so far did this proceed 
in Ross-shire that in 1782, out of a total roll of eighty- 
three voters, only thirty-three were actually genuine. The 
holders of wadsets and mortgages must get their interest, 
and the spirit of landlordism must regale itself in Edinburgh, 
London, or Bath. There over the cup, the dice, and the 
cards, the substitutes of the erstwhile chief of the land often 
gambled away their possessions, and with them the happi- 
ness of their people. More money must be got and more 
clearances effected, or what they ' vitiously termed improv- 
ing their estates.' Rents were raised, as in the instance of 
the poor women whom Knox met in Lochbroom in 1764, 
and whose crop was destroyed by flood. ' The loss of which ' 
said she, ' I will bear as well as I can, but my rent is to be 
doubled, which is more than I can pay.' The people were 
driven off the land and huddled at the shores. Black cattle 
which roamed in their thousands on the hills and in the 
glens were either captured by the army of the king, or sold. 


The industry that provided tons of hide and tallow, which 
were exported to Inverness or Glasgow, was a doomed trade. 
The interesting avocation of herdsman, to which class 
belonged Rob Donn and Duncan Ban Mclntyre, ceased to 
give employment, and multitudes of the common people 
were thrown idle. The only hberty left to these freeborn 
people was the choice between starvation and emigration. 
With all their deeply rooted love for their native land, they 
chose the latter. A gentleman who then witnessed the em- 
barkation for America of five hundred and fifty persons from 
one estate in the Highlands writes that ' the parting scene 
between the emigrants and their friends who remained behind 
was too moving for human nature to behold.' Fears of 
landlord oppression, of poverty and famine were the cause. 
If rent were unpaid the cattle were sold or seized, and whole 
families were reduced to the extremity of want, and turned, 
amidst all the inclemencies of winter, to relate their piteous 
tale, and to implore from their wretched but hospitable 
fellow-mountaineers a little meal or milk to preserve their 
infants from perishing in their arms. No wonder, then, 
though whole groups of men, women and children passed 
in continual succession to the sea-ports, and with such 
determined resolution that those who could not pay for 
their passage sold themselves to the captains who were to 
transport them to the new world, and were by these captains 
resold (as slaves) upon their arrival at the intended ports. 
No more pathetic story of human misery, the outcome of 
an inhuman system, could be penned than that given by 
Knox, the philanthropist, economist, and author : ' In 
my journeys through the Highlands ' (between 1764-1780) 
says he, ' I often met families or bodies of people travelling 
to the ports. They generally edged off the road or hurried 
along as if shy of an interview. . . . They represented their 
distress with great feeling, most generally with tears : and 
with a strict regard to truth, as appeared in the uniformity 
of the accounts delivered by different companies, strangers 
to one another. " O Sir, we dinna leave our kintra without 

VOL. X. B 


reason, great reason, indeed. Sir. Sometimes our crops 
yield little more than the feed, and sometimes they are 
destroyed with rains or dinna rippen, but some of our lairds 
make nae allowance for these misfortunes. They seize our 
cattle and all our furniture, leaving us nae thing but the 
skin, which would be of nae service to them. They are not 
Highlanders — so greedy. Sir — but God will judge between 
them and us in His own gude time. Sir, can you tell 
us anything about the kintra of America — they say that 
poor folk may get a living in it, which is mair than we can 
get in our parts. We are driven. Sir, with our poor bairns 
to a far land. We are begging our way to Greenock, and 
all our clothes. Sir, are on our backs, as you see. God 
forgive our oppressors who have brought us to this pass. 
We are strangers in the Lowlands ; would you advise us to 
make our bargain with the captain of the ship. They say 
that those who have no money to pay for their passage 
must sell themselves to the captain. This is our case — O 
Sir, what have we done ? — but it is God's will — blessed be 
His holy name." ' What did they do indeed to merit such 
treatment ? ' Our fathers,' said Lochinver men to Knox, 
' were called out to fight our master's battles, and this is 
our reward.' Knox computes that between 1763 and 1775, 
thirty thousand persons emigrated from the Highlands. Most 
of these were probably of the poorer class, who were scattered 
on the dispersion of the clans, and the rackrenting that 
followed. But after 1780 the stream of emigrants was even 
greater, as is amply proved by the frequency in the press 
of the period of such items of news as the following : 
' October 11th, 1791. On Wednesday came into Greenock, 
in distress, the Fortune, Captain McLeod. She was 
bound for North Carolina, having on board 350 passengers, 
men, women, and children, emigrants from the Island of 
Skye.' Tack was added to tack, and the whole let out for 
sheep. Rents rose enormously. No tenant was to sell or 
buy without the factor's order. On every sale he had his 
commission from the drover. ' You are to intimate,' said 


the factor of Seaforth in 1780, to a Lewis tacksman, ' to the 
whole tenants in your district who pay rent to the factor, 
that they must sell no cattle this year, until the rents are 
paid, to any person who has not the factor's orders to buy ; 
and if any one attempt to buy with ready money, you are 
to arrest their cattle, and not allow them to be carried out of 
the country until the whole rents are paid up. This on your 
peril.' And in a country where Professor Walker of Edin- 
burgh University observes one could see in the beginning of 
September some plots of luxuriant tobacco plants, as well 
hoed and as clean as any that ever were raised in Virginia or 
Berwickshire, hunger drove men and women to the shores, 
where they sustained life on cockles and dulse ; or bleeding 
living cattle and mixing the blood with peasemeal and 
kneading the mass into a bannock which was dried in the 
sun, they kept the wolf at bay. In midst of this raging 
poverty, rents had to be found to enable the contemporary 
IdMs of the land sit down to this sumptuous breakfast : 
' A dram of whiskey, gin, rum, or brandy ; french rolls, 
oat and barley bread ; tea and coffee, honey, jellies, jams, 
and marmalade ; fine flavoured butter, fresh and salt, 
Cheshire and Highland cheese, a plateful of very fresh eggs ; 
fresh and salted herrings broiled ; haddocks and whitings 
with skins taken off ; cold round of venison ; beef and 
mutton hams.' And no wonder, Pennant observes, 
' numbers of the miserables of this country [Sutherland- 
shire] were now (1772) emigrating. They wander in a state 
of desperation ; too poor to pay, they madly sell themselves 
for their passage, preferring a temporary bondage in a 
strange land to starving for life in their native soil.' It 
was the same everywhere throughout the Highlands. 
' Since Whitsunday last,' says the Historical Register for 
June 1792, 'upwards of 600 persons, old and young, have 
left Kintyre and gone to Glasgow, Paisley, etc., in order 
to be employed at the cotton works of these and neigh- 
bouring places. The whole inhabitants of Cana have left 
the Island on board a vessel for the Clyde, being from 


400 to 500 persons, to seek employment in the low country, 
the Island being let, it is said, to two persons for grazing 
sheep, by which they are all turned out of their small posses- 
sion. A number of families, also from the Island of Lismore, 
Jura, and Islay, etc., are about to emigrate to America. 
By 1st August it is supposed that upwards of 2000 per- 
sons will have left Argyllshire, most of them to seek an 
asylum in a foreign country.' Sheep riots took place in 
Ross-shire, and Lord Adam Gordon, Commander-in-Chief in 
Scotland, in an official letter, 1798, puts the cause of it 
beyond doubt. ' The sheep riots,' he says, ' originated in 
a (too well founded) apprehension that the landed pro- 
prietors in Ross-shire and some of the adjacent Highland 
counties were about to let their estates to sheep farmers, 
which meant all the former tenants would be ousted and 
turned adrift, and, of course, obliged to emigrate, unless they 
were elsewhere received, any probability of which they 
could not discover. And it is undoubted fact that in several 
instances, within these last two or three years, such specu- 
lations have been realised and the proprietors have, by these 
means, greatly increased their rent rolls, and diminished the 
number of people on their respective estates. Of this last 
but too many proofs might be adduced.' The legislature 
added to their distress, for in their penury the people had 
to pay taxes in increasing numbers since the Union on 
almost every commodity. Officials flooded the land, so that 
while for 1782 the gross produce for customs in the northern 
counties, Argyll, Inverness, Ross, Sutherland, Orkney and 
Shetland, amounted to — £2569 12^. lid,, the expenses in 
collecting amounted to — £3105 11^. Id,, or £535 ISs, 8d, in 
excess of the revenue. 

But though harassed on land, the legislature, instead of 
encouraging the people in the fishing industry, hampered it 
with enactments that rendered fishing commercially value- 
less. For, while five hundred Dutch busses fished freely 
along our shores, the busses of Scotland being bounty fed 
were restricted in their operations by laws prohibiting them 


to buy from native fishing boats ; and all exported pickled 
herrings to the West Indies were likewise taxed. Ireland 
was free from those restrictions. With a heavy tax on salt, 
the fishermen who braved our western seas often reached 
their starving families with no money, and with only such 
quantities of fresh fish as could be consumed while they 
remained in that condition. Yet these virtuous but friend- 
less men, while endeavouring by every means in their power 
to pay their rents, to support their wives and children, their 
aged parents, and in all respects to act the part of honest, 
inoffensive subjects, are dragged away, they know not 
where, to fight the battles of a nation that is insensible of 
their merit, and to obtain victories of which others are to 
reap the benefits. For not content with the voluntary 
service that in Campbeltown alone during the American war 
contributed a thousand men to the navy, and in the west of 
Scotland during the same period supplied from three to four 
thousand men, — on one single ship of the line not less than one 
hundred Highlanders being counted, — they were pressed into 
the army or navy when seeking harvest work on land, or fish- 
ing on the wide sea, by stratagems that did no credit to the 
humanity of the age. The sick, the aged, the lovers, the 
brothers, peered through the mouth of the night and morn- 
ing for the return of the harvesters and fishermen, but in 
vain. The bones of sons and lovers bleached on the battle- 
fields of four continents, or were sucked by the shell-fish of 
the deep. And their dependants were awarded, not the 
shelter of the nation's power, but that provided by the wide 
canopy of heaven. No wonder though the spirit of the 
Highlander was broken, suffering so sorely, as Dugald 
Buchanan sadly sings : — 

For men did not dare, 

Whose head was made bare, 

With poor bald pates, by the years, 

In thy presence to stand, 

But with bonnet in hand. 

Though a frost wind pierced their ears. 


They began henceforth to look on their country and their 
speech with contempt. They hated their oppressors. For 
the overthrow of the cruel system that oppressed them they 
yearned and prayed, their aspiration and their wish finding 
expression in this remarkable utterance of the same 
poet : — 

Thy slave dost not now 

In thy presence bow, 

From fee, rent and taxes free ; 

Oh ! blessed be death, 

Thee slaughtered at length, 

And thy pride under sod they see. 

They became the easy prey of southern habits and southern 
ideals, in relation both to their speech and their garb. The 
effort of imitation brought in its train habits of reckless 
thriftlessness which, unfortunately, have not yet wholly dis- 
appeared. The lack of English came to be looked upon as 
a curse — dith heurla ort Maidens abandoned their unso- 
phisticated simplicity, the charm of their modesty, and the 
grace of their native attire, of which the poets sang so 
sweetly. The solution of birch buds with which they washed 
and scented their hair in spring had given place to other 
aids, and the simple dress, so minutely described in the 
Memoirs of a Highland Lady, had almost wholly disappeared 
before the end of the century. At that time, even in 
comparatively remote Lochcarron, the Rev. Lachlan Mac- 
Kenzie found it necessary to warn the people against the 
' new woman,' the ' well-drest girl.' ' They are the pests of 
Society,' says the preacher, ' they dress to catch and deceive 
fools. Observe the conduct of these well-drest girls. Is 
there a comer of the kirkyard but they traverse ? And 
why ? It is to give you a sight of their ribbands, their 
bonny napkins, and their muslin and calicoe gowns. If 
young women dress entirely beyond their rank, the world 
must believe either that they are fools, or that they are 
worse than fools.' 

Such, then, was the treatment meted out to the race that 



Wolfe praised and Chatham applauded. Such were the 
fruits of the new civilisation ushered in by Hanoverian arms, 
and fostered by Hanoverian Governments, among the people 
referred to in the eighteenth century by Professor Walker 
of Edinburgh University as ' a temperate, strong, hardy 
race of men, and of great energy and industry,' and quite 
recently described as the ' bravest, the hardiest, and the 
most gallant race under the sun.' 

The old civilisation had its defects, but it had in it noble 
elements fitted to expand and develop along lines suited to 
the national spirit, the racial temperament, and the country's 
requirements. But the change came. At first it was slow 
and gradual ; then swift and sharp. Its motive power was 
speculative commercialism. We agree with Skene who 
said : ' Experience has not justified the policy of this 
change.' But having come, wisdom and magnanimity 
might surely have controlled its guidance. For if the 
Commissioners on Forfeited Estates, instead of pocketing 
or wasting on themselves £84,936, and spending £50,000 on 
the Record Office in Edinburgh, £25,000 on the Leith 
Harbour, £50,000 on the Forth and Clyde Canal, and £1000 
on a jail at Inverness, had suggested to the legislature to 
place upon the land the men who loved their land, and fought 
and bled for it, with fixity of tenure, or as peasant pro- 
prietors, and with these moneys secured stock and agricul- 
tural implements for them, how much misery might have 
been averted, and how many generations of Highland sons 
and daughters would have risen up in our now desolate 
straths and glens and called them blessed ! 



Professor Mackennon 

(Continued from vol, ix. p, 309) 


^ AcxTS ni ba setrech do chomorad cluichi chest na curaid 
is an uair sin, cein mata ^ Capaneus ro bai 'na ^ stuaig bodba 
aduathmair urbada aca iarraid bar na sluagaib nech dib 
d'ergi na agaid, 7 a ^ lamanda tarbda ^ tachair im a lamaib, 
CO mellaib ro fhada a cennaib a mer, co mellaib lan-troma 
luaidi uar a cendaib seic,^ 7 is ed ro raid : ' Ticed oen loech 
uaib, a fhiru,' ar se, ' am agaiti '^ don cluichi cest. Acus ro 
bod maith Hm co mad thren-fer do Tiauandaib tisad ann, uair 
ro faethsad Hm-sa h-e is in n-uair-sea.' 

Ba socht mor re Grecaib sin, 7 ro gob urecla adbul iad 
remi, 7 gidead do ^ erich loech ^ lan-oc do Lacondaib da 
indsaigid .i. Alcidamas. Ba machtad ^ tra re Grecaib ^® 
ergi do,^^ uair ba h-oc ^^ ara in aisi ^^ ger ua athlom n-eng- 
noma. Acus ba h-e Pollux ua h-aeiti ^^ engnoma 7 cluichi 
Foi 15a 2. cest don gilla sin. 

d'chondairc Capaneus cuci h-e ro ches ^^ air co mor, 
7 ro bai ac faithfed 7 ac fochuidmed immi, 7 ac iarraid fhir 
aih mar aen ris 'na agaid. Nir ^^ timi nar ^^ teichead do 
chuaid d' Alcidamas sin, acht ro comfergaid co fersech 7 co 
fir-cruaid in n-agaid Capaneus, co ro thogbadar na lama lan- 
chalma amail saeignena suaichinti ^'^ solusda do comamus 
cuirp araili. Ba h-ecalma ^^ re Grecaib bas d'agbail don 
maccaem da ^^ Alcidamus and sin, uair ua h-adbul met 

* The Nemsean Games continued — The Boxing Match. 

2 motha. 3 jjij^^ 4 Eg. omits. ^ tarba. ® sin. 

' aiged 8 ro. » machtnamh. ^° Eg. adds a. " Eg. omits. 

"~i2 ar n-ais. ^' aidi. i* ceis. " ni ar " naar. 

*^ suaichinta. ^^ ^gcail. *» Eg. omits. 



^ None of the champions were on that occasion eager 
to play the boxing game save only Capaneus. He stood 
forth a fierce, terrible, dreadful arch calling on the hosts to 
put one forward to face him. His strong boxing gloves 
were fastened on his hands, with (very long straps of bull's 
hide) on the fingers and very heavy balls of lead fixed to 
their ends ; and thus he spoke : ' Men, let one champion of 
you,' said he, ' stand up against me in a boxing match. 
And I would it were a mighty Theban that would step 
forward, for he would be felled by me at this moment.' 

The Greeks were stupefied at this challenge ; they were 
mightily terrified at the man. Nevertheless a very young 
champion of Laconia, Alcidamus, stood forth. Now the 
Greeks were amazed at this, for he was young in years, 
although agile and skilful. Pollux moreover was the tutor 
of the youth in athletics and boxing. 

When Capaneus saw him approach he despised him 
greatly ; he was laughing and jeering at him, and asking 
that another should come along with him to fight him. 
Alcidamus was in no wise frightened or dismayed thereat, but 
his wrath rose hotly and sternly against Capaneus. Both 
raised their strong hands like conspicuous, bright thunder- 
bolts to hit the bodies of each other. The Greeks deemed 
it the reverse of chivalrous that the fair youth Alcidamus 
should come by his death thus, for vast was the bulk and 

1 Th., Ti. 731. 


7 miri ^ in miled ro bai in a agaid .i. Capaneus. Uair nir 
commor coraid ar talmain ris in tren fer sin. 

Ro bai tra Alcidamus co feithmech fir-glicc ac a (f)rith- 
alam. Ro opair-som imorro ^ co h-acgarb 7 co h-anacarach 
in maccoem, 7 ru-s-timchill amail timchillis feith fidu, no 
amail timchillis tond mara mor adbail cairrgi cuain 7 calaig. 
Ro (f)reastail 7 ro (f)rithoil Alcidamus sin, 7 ni teiged bem 
i ^ dilsi na 'n dilmaine uad gan a * buain do Chapaneus i 
cleithi i chind 7 dar tulphort a gnuisi, coma forderg fuiligi 
a folt 7 a aiged. Is and sin ro dasachtaiged im Capaneus 
amail leoman lond letarthi,^ 7 ^ ro gob ac tuirnim 7 ac 
trascrad Alcidamus o brath builleadaib mora mileta. Ba 
dimain am dosum sin, uair ro imdeagail Alcidamus h-e 
CO na ruacht lot no lan-brised fair. Acus ro uadar amlaid 
sin re re ciana ' co ro thuitset ar an gluinib caema comfillti 
re scis an imbuailti. 

Acus gided ro erich each dib a ris ^ do chum ^ a cheli, 7 ac 
ergi doib tuc Alcidamus bem ceisti do Chapaneus co * 
torchair 7 cleithi a chend muUaich remi chum lair 7 lan- 
talman, 7 ^^ ag eri do ^® ro athbuail a ris e co ru ^^ nuallsad na 
sluaig ac (f)aicsin in gnima sin. Ro aitherig imorro Capaneus 
CO h-acarb aduathmar ^^ da digail sin ar Al(c)idamus. ^^ Et o 
to thondairc ^^ Adraist an ni sin, is ed ro raid : ' A fhiru,' 
ar se, * edardelaigter lib na milid ra suara ^^ f aeth nechtar 
dib reroili in n-ecomlaind, 7 tabar lib seoit 7 maine do 
Capaneus do thairmesc a fergi.' Ro ergedar and sin da 
n-dedail Tid 7 Ipomedon. Ua doilig am etarsearad na 
desi sin re med na fergi fir-moiri ro fobair intib. 

Acus ro raidsed ^^ -sum re Capaneus: ' Tairind t' 

(fh)eirg,' ar siad, ' a ri, 7 tabair maithem n-anocail uaid don 

gilla oc-sa, uair is lindi luamaireacht in laich-sea.^^ Nir 

Folisbi. (f)aem thra Capaneus, 7 is ed rd raid: 'A fhiru,' ar se, 

' cindus leicfet uaim in gilla n-oc ^'^ ro imir imned 7 edualand 

* mire. * tra. 3 an. * Eg. omits. ^ letartha. 

6 Eg. omits. ^ cian. ^"S ar. ^ g^j.^ lo-io j)g, omits. 

11 gur. 12 adfuathmar. i3-i3 O'd'chondairc. ** siu do. 

*^ raidsit. ^^ sin. ^"^ occ-sa. 


(great) the fury of the warrior who encountered him, a 
champion whose match in strength was not in the world. 

But Alcidamus opposed him warily, very skilfully. 
Capaneus on the other hand attacked the youth fiercely and 
savagely ; he circled round him as a bird of prey wheels 
round the woods, or as a huge ocean wave encircles the rocks 
of harbours and shelters. Alcidamus successfully resisted 
these onsets. Nor did he give a blow with force and intent 
which did not hit Capaneus in the crown of his head or the 
front of his face, so that his hair and face were all red and 
bloody. Capaneus was maddened thereat like a furious, 
mangling lion, and he began to ply his heavy, warriorlike, 
destructive blows against Alcidamus to fell and prostrate 
him. But in vain, for Alcidamus warded them off so that 
he was neither wounded nor seriously hurt. They fought 
thus for a long time until at last both fell on their fair bended 
knees through exhaustion with hard fighting. 

Nevertheless, each of them rose afresh to attack the 
other, and as they did so Alcidamus struck Capaneus a 
blow which threw him to the ground and earth, head fore- 
most ; and as he attempted to rise again he received 
another. The hosts shouted when they saw that feat. 
But Capaneus rose again fiercely, terribly to avenge that 
(blow) upon Alcidamus.^ When Adrastus saw that, he 
spoke thus : ' Men,' said he, ' part the warriors before either 
of them is thrown by the other in unequal conflict, and 
carry with you jewels and wealth for Capaneus to appease 
his wrath.' Tydeus and Hippomedon went at once to 
separate them. It was in sooth difficult to do so, because 
of the very great wrath which possessed them. 

The (peacemakers) said to Capaneus : ' Allay your 
anger,' said they, ' king, and give quarter to this youth, 
for this hero's career is our concern.' Capaneus consented 
not, and thus he spoke : ' Men,' said he, ' how can I part 

^ Across the top margin of fol. 15, b 1-2, is the note : Is maith an beim ceast 
sin do buail Ailcidamus ar Chapanebhus mor mac Tairsis gan bhuidheacus do fen, 
* That was a goodly blow which A. gave to big C, son of T., without benefit to himself. 


orum gan a mor ^ digail air.' Et ^ gided rucsad a munter 
les h-e, 7 ro deligsed iad amlaid sin. Acus^ ro uadar 
munter Alcidamus ac genaib gaire im Capaneus. 

* Acus o thairnic in cluichi sin ro erig Tit mac Oeniusa 
7 ro fuacair carraigecht 7 comglic and sin uar na sluagaib, 
7 is e ro erig do indsaigid Agilaus mac Ercail, 7 ba medithir 
re h-Arcail mac Ampitrion ar met 7 ar mesnig in milid 
sin, uair ba da sil do. Tid imorro is amlaid ro bui seic ^ — 
fer isel, tailc, tarbda, tren, calma, athlom, ocla, anacarach.^ 
Ua tren 7 ua tarcaisnech "^ ar gach n-sen tecmad ris. Acus 
ro gobad ^ ola chom(sh)lemun cumascda da churp is in 
n-uair sin, 7 ro erig do chum Agileus. 

Is and sin ro iad each dib ^ a lama 7 a rigthi dar araili, 
coma samalta re seol-crand prim luingi moiri no re ralaig 
ro aird os min-crandaib fir-beca fidbaidi Agileus os cind Tit 
and sin ac a thairnim ^® 7 'g a trascrad. Acus ger ua lugu 
Tit ua tendi ^^ 7 ua talchairi e ^^ is in n-uair sin, co ro timsaig 
7 CO ro thimairg Ageleus, 7 co ro trascair do chum lair 7 
Ian talman. Ro cengail 7 ro cuibrig 'na diaid sin i fiad- 
naisi na n-Grec ^^ h-e, 7 tucad aisceada ^^ comartha a ^^ 
choscair do. 

Ar sin ro bui ac braisi 7 ac bocasaich uasa cind 7 tuc da 
muinter iad. Acus ar n-ergi do Agille(i)us co h-oband 
mertnech as a chengail tuc Adraist luirig n-imthruim 
n-iaraind do log a cluichi do commorad. 

Et ^^ as ahaithli sin ro ergedar dias dib do cluichi 
d'armaib aithgera urnochta, .i. Agresius mac Epidaur 7 
Polinices mac Eidip. Ro thairmisc imorro in t-aird-ri 
Adraist iad, 7 is ed ro raid : ' Na denaid cathugud, a fhiru,' 
ar se, ' cein no co rosti tachur na Tebi, uair do gebthai uar 
n-daithin ^"^ cathaigthi 7 comlaind inti.' Acus ro thair- 
misced iad amlaid sin. 

* Eg. omits. * Eg. omits. 

* The Wrestling Match. 
^ tarscaisnech. ^ gob. 

^^ teinne. ^^ Eg. omits. 

^5 Eg. omits. 16 Eg. omits. 

3 Eg. omits. 

^ sin .i 

6 anacarrtach. 

^ Eg. omits. 

10 thairnedh. 

13 Eg. adds uilidh. 

1* Eg. adds a. 

1' daothin. 



from this youth who has wrought this injury and suffering 
upon me without exacting full vengeance.' Nevertheless 
his people carried him away, and they were thus parted. 
Alcidamus's folk were jeering at Capaneus's (discomfiture). 

1 When this contest ended Tydeus son of Oenius stood 
up and challenged the hosts to a wrestling match. The man 
who accepted the challenge was Agylleus son of Hercules. 
In size and courage that warrior was the equal of Hercules 
son of Amphytrion, of whose blood he was. Tydeus on the 
other hand was a low, thick-set man, stout, strong, brave, 
active, resolute, unyielding. He was haughty and con- 
tumelious towards all who opposed him. And now he 
smeared his body with lubricating mixed oil, and rose to 
face Agylleus. 

Each of them entwined his hands and arms round the 
other. Like the mast of a great huge ship, or like a 
very tall oak above the small trees of the forest, towered 
Agylleus over Tydeus as he tugged and strained at the 
latter. But though Tydeus was shorter he was at the same 
more compact and sturdier. He gripped and pulled 
Agylleus to him and flung him flat on the ground and solid 
earth. He bound and fettered him thereafter in sight of the 
Greeks. Gifts in token of his victory were awarded to him. 

Tydeus was boasting and bragging about these, and 
gave them to his servants. When Agylleus suddenly but 
depressed released himself from his bonds, Adrastus gave 
him a very heavy iron hauberk in reward for the game which 
he played. 

2 Thereafter stood up two champions to fight with very 
sharp, bare weapons, Agreus from Epidaurus and Polinices 
son of Oedipus. But Adrastus the high king forbade them 
and spoke thus : ' Do not fight, champions,' said he, ' until 
you reach the fight against the Theban. You will find a full 
surfeit of contest and conflict there.' Thus they were 

Th., vi. 826. 

Th., vi. 911. 


^ Is and sin adubradar ^ airig na n-Grec ^ ris in n-aird-rig 
re h-Adraist a chuid do na cluichib do denam,^ comad moidi 
onoir ind n-adnocail.^ ' Dogenbar,' ar se, 7 ro erig. ^Is e 
ni doronni, ro dibraic saigid a fidbaic ibraide ^ co setrech sir 
chalma co n-deachaid uad re h-ed, 7 amail ba tresi di ac 
dul ro impo ' co h-athlum opund ar culu d'ind saigid in rig 
ru-s-telg. Et ^ ba fidgrad ^ faistine acu-sum sin, uair is ed 
FoLi5b2. ro thuiced as a ^® sin Adraist a oenur do ternum a cathugud ^^ 
na Tebi 7 a ^^ rochtain ar culu co crichaib Grec. 

Conid cainiud Airsemaris 7 a cluicheda cainteacha conigi 

O tarnic tra in cluichi caintech ^^ sin ro doirt Adraist fin 
ar an adnocol, 7 ro bui ac molad in gilla amal dea uasal 
adartha, 7 is ed ro raid : ' A mic,' ar se, ' dogentar amal so 
idbarta ac Grecaib uili gacha bliadna duid-seo,^* 7 da taet 
lind i tigi na Tebi tre t' ^^ cumacht-su ^^ bidid ^"^ mo h-onoir ^^ 
idbarta a ris acaindi.' Acus is ed sin ba h-ail do Grecaib 
uili da rad. 

As i sin ^^ imorro aes 7 uair ^^ do bi imshnim mor ar men- 
main loib mic Satrainn, uair ^^ fada le-sum comnaigi nan ^^ 
Grec in ingnais in chatha. Acus ^^ is and sin tucad a mac 
.i. Mearcur, do chum loib, 7 is ed ro raid ris : ' Erig,' ar se, 
' d'indsaigid Mairt, dei in chatha, 7 abair ris na Greic 22 
d'adandad do chum in chatha.' Acus ro erig Mearcur, 7 do 
siacht CO tigib seselbacha Mairt mic ^^ loib dea na cath 
7 na congal, 7 raid ris ^^ na Greic ^s 7 na Tiabanda do chur a 
cbnd a chele. 

Ro erig tra Mairt la sin n-gresacht sin 7 tanic remi dar 
trachtaib traga Eip co mullach slebi a Corintus iter in 
muir n-iond iar n-airthiur 7 muir n-Eig ar n-iarthiur. Ro 
scail uad and sin ecla 7 aduath,^^ ferg 7 fuasnad ba sluagaib 

1 King Adrastus's part in the" Nem^an Games. 

2~2 oirig na Greci. ^ comoradh. * in adhnocail. ^ Eg. adds 7. 

^ ibhraidhi. "^ impi. ^ Eg. omits. ^ fidradh. ^° Eg. omits. 

" cathudh. ^^ jjg^ omits. ^^ caintecha. ^* si. ^^ do. 

^^ si. ^^ bid. ^8 h-anoir. ^*~^^ uair 7 ais umorru. 

20 Eg. adds ua. 21 Eg. omits. 22 Grecidh. 23 gg. omits. 

24 rdidhus. 25 Greccidh. 26 adfhuath. 


1 Then the chiefs of the Greeks requested Adrastus the 
high king to take his share in the games and thus enhance 
the glory of the celebrations. ' It will be done,' said he, 
and he stood up. What he did was to shoot an arrow from 
a quiver of yew with great force and spirit. It sped a great 
distance, and with the same force with which it went, it 
returned back again suddenly, quickly to the king who shot 
it. This was to them a prophetic premonition. They 
understood from it that Adrastus would be the only one to 
come scatheless out of the Theban war, and to return again 
to the lands of Greece. 

The mourning for Archemorus and the funeral games 
held in his honour thus far. 

2 Now when the funeral games were concluded, Adrastus 
poured wine upon the burial (mound), and he praised the 
lad as if he were a noble, adorable god, and spoke thus : 
' Boy,' said he, ' all the Greeks will make sacrifices like these 
to you yearly. And if through your power the houses of 
Thebes fall by our efforts, greater sacrifices than these will 
be made by us.' And this is what all the Greeks wished 
to say. 

^This was the time and hour that Jove son of Saturn 
was greatly disturbed in mind, for he felt the delay of the 
Greeks from the war irksome. And so his son Mercury was 
brought to Jove, who addressed him thus : ' Go,' said he, 
' to Mars the god of war, and tell him to hurry on the 
Greeks to the war.' Mercury went and arrived at the 
noisy mansions of Mars son of Jove, the god of war and 
conflict, and told him to set the Greeks and Thebans at 
each other. 

^Now Mars went at this injunction and fared forth 
over the strands of the beach of Eph3rra to the top of the 
hill Acrocorinthus between the white sea on the east, and 
the Aegean sea on the west. And thence he spread broadcast 
through the Grecian hosts Fear and Horror, Wrath, and Fury, 

1 Th., vi. 924. 2 xh., vii. 90-104. 

3 Th., vii. 1. * Th., vii. 105. 


Grec, CO ro lingsedar menmanda ris in fogur bres ^ adchualad- 
ar i firmamint uas a cind, 7 ris in seel n-aduathmar ^ 
n-urbadach sin. Acus ro craith a slega 7 a sceith, 7 ro tren- 
buail a eocho uas cind na sluag, cor gab saint 7 ailgius catha 
7 comlaind na curaid is in n-uair sin ris in n-gresacht 7 ris 
in laidiud ^ sin tuc Mairt mac loib f orru. 

t' chondairc imorro Baich mac loib, dei in n-ina, na 
Greic * 'n am buidnib deg (s)luaig ^ a comlugad do chum na 
Tebi tucad ® iachtad ' 7 osnaid moir os aird 7 tanic remi 
d'indsaig a athar .i. loib, 7 ro loig ^ in a fhiadnaisi, 7 da ^ 
bui ac iarraid fortachta do na Tiabandaib air,^® 7 is ed ro 
raid : ' Is olc a n-denad,' ^^ ar se, ' a loib, comorad catha 
i cend na Tiauanda, 7 a tir do thogail forru. Acus do beri- 
siu ^2 do gach dei aili comairci in chiniuda is dual do, 7 ni 
thabraid dam-sa, uair is i Simile, ingen rig na Tebi, mo 
mathair,^^ 7 ^^ da etar ^^ is i lunaind ilcrothach do beir ort-su 
in aimleas ar in fath sin.' 
Fol. 16a 1. t' chualaigh loib sin ro tib a gin ^^ n-gairi ma mac, 7 ro 
thabradar poicc do, 7 adbert ris : 'A Mhic,' ar se, ' ni fich 
na ferg do beir orum comorad in chatha-sa, acht ^^ ro 
chindsead faidi 7 fisid o thus domuin co curfithea ^"^ in cath 
croda-sa na Tebi. Acus na bid ecla ort-su, a Baich, togail 
na Tebi don chath-sa. Acus ^^ amae dlestis ^^ a n-olc ^^ do 
denam, uair is adbul a n-ecoiri.' Ba forbailig Baich do na 
scelaib sin. A n-dala-sum co ruigi sin. 

Dala imorro na Tiauanda. Rainic techtairi tairisi da 
muntir co h-Echiocles co rig ^^ na Tebi, 7 ro indis do rigrad 
na n-Grec ^^ co n-a sluagaib 7 co n-a socraitib i comfocus do 
muigib tond-glasa na Tebi. Ba truag imorro 7 ba tindes 
ris na Tiauandaib in gach in inad a robadar na scela aidbli 
sin do cloistecht. Is and sin tra ro thinoilit do chum 
Ethiocles a sluaig 7 a sochraidi 7 a shuind chatha 7 a fhuird ^^ 
irgaili co faichthi fond-glais a duin ^^ 7 a cathrach. 

1 bresnaidm. ^ n-adfhuathmar. ^ laighedh. * Grecidhi. 

^ (s)luag. 6 tuc. 7 iachtnadh. ^ luigh. ^ ro. 

*® fair. " denaidh. 12 beridh-siu. ^^ mathair-si. ^*~^* fetar-sa. 

15 gen. i« Eg. adds is ed. " curfedea. ^^-is jg maith do dlisfidh. 

»9 uilc. 20 ri. 21 Greci. 22 an urridhi. ^3 dhain. 


so that their minds were filled with the crashing sound they 
heard in the sky above them, and with the terrible tidings 
of danger which they had heard. He shook his spears and 
shields, and vigorously lashed his steeds above the heads of 
the hosts, so that ardour and lust for battle and conflict 
forthwith took possession of the champions through the 
urging and pressing of Mars, the son of Jupiter, upon them. 

^ Now when Bacchus, son of Jove, the god of wine, saw 
the Greeks marching in well-ordered battalions to Thebes 
he yelled and groaned aloud, and went forward to his father 
Jove and prostrated himself before him. He besought aid 
for the Thebans and spoke thus : ' You are doing ill,' said 
he, ' to promote war against the Thebans, and to destroy 
their country. Besides you give to every other god the 
protection of his native race ; and you deny this right 
to me, although Semele the daughter of the king of Thebes 
was my mother. But I know that it was the beautiful 
Juno for that very reason who moved you to inflict this 
wrong upon me.' 

When Jove heard this he smiled upon his son, kissed 
him, and said : ' Son,' said he, ' neither feud nor wrath has 
caused me to promote this war. But prophets and seers 
from the beginning of the world have decreed that this 
bloody Theban war should be waged. But do not fear, 
Bacchus, that Thebes will be destroyed in this war ; and 
yet, son, it is right that the people should be punished, 
for their sins are very great.' Bacchus rejoiced greatly at 
these tidings. Thus far their affairs. 

^But as to the Thebans. A trustworthy messenger of 
his own household went to Eteocles, King of Thebes, and 
told him that the Kings of Greece with their hosts and multi- 
tudes were approaching the green-surfaced plains of Thebes. 
Now the Thebans everywhere heard these terrible tidings 
with grief and despondency. Then were gathered to 
Eteocles his hosts and multitudes and stout men of war and 
chiefs of conflict to the green lawn of his castle and city. 

1 Th., vii. 145. 2 Th., vii. 227. 

VOL. X. 



Tochestul 7 tinol na Tidbanda and so, 

Et ^ desig 2 and sin ^ each drem deg sluaig ^ ma thriath 
7 ^ ma ^ tigerna do neach thanic a h-Eonia 7 a h-Eobia 7 a 
Potcis 7 a cathrachaib na Tiauanda ar cheana. 

Ro ergestar imorro mna 7 micain ^ 7 min daine 7 ro 
linsadar ^ muir na cathrach 7 dumacha aili ^ airechtais ac 
fegad in t-sluaig sin. Is ann^ dano^ ro bui^^ in n-og il- 
chrothach .i. Antigone, deirb fiur Etiocles 7 Polinices, i tur ro 
ard, ro mor, sel o mur na eathraeh sin a mach. Uair is ed 
ba bes aeu-sum gan sluaig 7 gan sochaidi do fhaicsin a 
n-ingen no faeitis ^^ re feraib. Acus ba ler di-si and sin 
tochim na sluag uaithi, uar ni faicthi 7 ni ba ler daib-sium 
isi. Acus as e ro bi 'na f arrad and sin ^^ Phorf as foirfi ^^ 
fireolach .i. fer grada a h-athar 7 a seanathar e-seom 7 a 
a h-oiti. 

Acus ^^ ro gob si 'g a fhiarf aigi de ' cia in sluag ro mor-sa 
itir,' ar si, ' 7 atchim-sea,' ar si, ' mergda ^^ nim -glana ^^ 
Meinidceus corcar-gloin 7 airm croda Creooin ^^ coscraig.' 
Ro recair imorro Porf as disi, 7 is ed ro raid : ' In ^"^ f aicend 
tu and,' ar se, ' Drias a tulchaib taeb-(f)uara Tanacra a tuaid 
o'n Uarda ^^ 7 ^^ mili saegdech ^^ 'na f arrad, 7 in f aicend tu ua 
do Nephtiun and 7 delb ael ar a armaib ? Atat ann sud i 
sochraidi Ethiocles curaid na cathrach Ochalia 7 milig ^® 
mera Medona 7 gaiscedaig nua-glana Nisa 7 tren-fhir 
thalchara Thispe agruin, 7 is e is nesu doib sin Eurimedon 
croda coscorach mac Fanuus dea ^i na coillted. Acus is e 
fhoires 7 airchises ^^ each gabad coilled. Acus sluaig saidbri 
sonaidi Erithra mar aen ris, 7 na sluaig tangadar a Colon 
ciuitas 7 a h-Etamon agruin 7 a h-Elis ciuitas 7 a Sciroin 
FoL 16a 2. agruin, 7 gae gera guinecha 7 sceith cruindi cabracha leo 
sin. Acus ata and dano ^^ airechta Anchesta agruin do sil 

Nephtuin dei in mara, 7 is e Neptuin garbas 7 fethnaiges 


1 Eg. omits. 
^ macain. 
9 MS. L 
*3 Eg. omits. 
" An. 
20 miledha. 

10 luid. 

21 dei. 

2-2 Eg. omits. 

® linatar. 
1^ faeitidis. 
" mergedha. 
^^ fuarda 
22 oirisises. 

3-3 Eg. omits. * uma. 

7 ailli. ^ Eg. adds sin. 

12-12 Porfas foirbhf hi. 

1^ niam. ^^ Creone. 

19 - 19 miledha saegdecha. 

23 MS. I 24 fethidhius. 


The muster and marshalling of the Thebans here. 

Then each stout troop gathered around its own prince 
and lord, those who came from Aonia and Euboea, and 
Phocis, and the other cities of Thebes. 

The women, and boys and children also crowded upon 
the ramparts of the city, and upon other heights of the 
capital to view the hosts. There was, besides, the beauti- 
ivl maid Antigone very sister of Eteocles and Polinices in a 
very high large tower, a space outside the wall of the city. 
For it was a custom of theirs that their maidens must not 
be seen by hosts or multitudes until they were wedded 
to men. She could see from there the march of the hosts 
past her, although they could not behold or see her. Her 
attendant there was Phorbas, old and very learned, a 
devoted follower of her father and grandfather, and her own 

She kept asking him : ' What in the world is this very 
great host ? ' asked she. ' For I see,' added she, ' the white 
banners of the ruddy Menoeceus, and the brave arms of the 
victorious Creon.' 

Then Phorbas answered her and spoke as follows : ' Do 
you see among them,' said he, ' Dryas from the cold-sided 
knolls of Tanagrae in the northern land of cold, with a 
thousand archers in his train ? And see you a grandson of 
Neptune there, with weapons white as lime ? Yonder among 
the troops of Eteocles are the champions of the city Ocalea, 
and the high-spirited warriors of Medeon, and the bright- 
fresh heroes of Nysa, and the stout and sturdy men of strong 
Thisbe.^ Next to these is the brave, victorious Eurymedon, 
son of Faunus, the god of the woods (he it is who succours 
and protects from all perils in forest), with the wealthy and 
prosperous people of Erythrae accompanying him ; and the 
troops from the city Scolos and from the fort Eteonos,^ and 
from the city Hyle, and from the fort Schoenos.^ These carry 

^ The Gaelic Redactor evidently meant by agruin of the Gaelic text some kind of 
city different from ciuitas. Does the word connect with aKpoS) uKpov, and does it 
mean ' strong ' and * fortified ' ? 



muir n-aduar^ n-ainfenach.^ Acus atait and na^ fir bit* 
Megalis i cocrich ^ na Greci 7 na Tiauanda, 7 ba ^ sruth 
Melais 7 ba ^ thobar n-Gargais ' .i. tobar mirbulta, 7 ba ^ 
sruth Alietis. Tamuin cruaidi chend-troma ba h-airm doib 
sin, 7 craicind lan-garba leoman ba cathbarr ma ® cendaib, 
7 cliatha cruaidi cranda ba sceith daib. Acus atat airechta 
slebe Elcona o sruth o Permeisus ^ .i. sruth ata ac sHab Ailip 
i ^® tuaiscert na Tiauanda, 7 o sruth Armeus. Acus ua 
cruitireda ceol-bindi na curaid sin uiH o na mofisib .i. dei ^^ 
in bindisa.' 

Acus o ra raid Porfas na briathra sin 7 tuc na tuarascbala 
sin ar na sluagaib, ro labair Antigone 7 is ed ro raid : ' Is 
mor am,' ar si, ' cosmaiHus na desi sin der-brathar ut adciam 
uaind ^^ iter na sluagaib, uair is atcaema comarda iter arm 7 
etach. Acus ro pad ^^ maith ^* Hm,' ar si, da mad iter adam 
der-brathair 1* fein do beth in cumand ut.' 'A ingen am,' 
ar Porfas, 'ni tusa cet duine ro raid sin riu, uair is (s)ochaide ^^ 
adubairt riu conod brathair ^® iat cen go bed. Uair is e 
athair in dara fir dib ^"^ aroiH. Acus is amlaid do ronad,^^ 
sin : Nipe bean do Laiftecdaib ro chomroic re maccaem n-og 
.i. ^^ Lapitus a ainm.^^ Acus nir comraic re mnai riam romi, 
7 2^ do na 21 tanic d'aes ^^ a denam. Acus ba h-in(gn)am ^ 
comperta di. Acus darala Alatrius di don toirrches {s)in. 
Acus o ra tuismed in mac sin,^* 7 ^^ ba gairit co ma ^^ co mor 
comdelba re athair h-e. Acus as iad in dias ud ro mothaigi- 
siu 2^ in mac sin 7 in t-athair .i. Lafitus 7 Altrius a mac. 
Acus tri cet marcach ^"^ sochraidi each fhir dib is in tinol-sa, 
a CHssanta 7 a Coriona. Ata dano ^^ ann Ipseus mac 
Assopos ^^ ri thuath tuaiscert na Tiabanda, 7 carpat caem 
ceith 2® riada fae, 7 sciath suairc sar-ceangailti do sechedaib 

1 adfuair. 

2 ainbfenach. ^ gg omits. 

^ Eg. adds a. 

^ coicrich. 

^ fo. 7 Goirccius. 

8 fo. 

^ Permessus. 

^0 a. 11 dee. 

12 uaim. 

13 had. 

**~" damh da mad iter adam braittr. 

1^ sochiiidi. 

1* braitra. 

17 Eg. omits. 18 raid. 

19 Eg. omits. 

20 Eg. adds in mic. 

21-21 nl 22 Eg. adds do. 

23 h-ingnadh. 

2* Eg. omits. 

25-26 nij. 133^ jjig^jj ^jQp ^Q^ 

26 -sium. 

2" curadh. 

«8 MS. I. 29 Asopaiss. 

30 ceitre. 


sharp, piercing javelins and round shields made of strong 
boards. There are besides the hordes of the fort Onchestus.^ 
They are of the race of the god of the sea, Neptune, who 
causes the very cold, tempestuous sea to rage and to calm 
down again. There are also the inhabitants of Mycalessos 
which borders on Greece and Thebes, and the dwellers round 
the stream Melas, and around the marvellous spring of Gar- 
gaphye, and by the stream of Haliartos(?). Hard, heavy- 
headed trunks (of trees) are the weapons of these, with very 
rough skins of lions round their heads for helmets, and hard 
branches of trees for shields. There are there troops from 
the Mount Helicon(?), and from the stream Parmessus, a 
stream by Mount Ailiip(?) in the north of Theban territory, 
and from the river Olmius. All these champions are sweet 
harpists inheriting from the Muses, the goddesses of melody.' 
When Phorbas ceased speaking and describing the hosts, 
Antigone spoke, and this is what she said : ' Great indeed is 
the likeness between the two brothers I see yonder in the 
distance among the troops ; very fair are they, and alike in 
arms and dress. I would,' added she, ' that my own two 
brothers were on such friendly terms as these.' ' Maiden,' 
said Phorbas, ' you are not, in truth, the first who described 
these two thus, for many have regarded them brothers though 
they are not so. One of them is the father of the other, 
and thus it happened. Nipe,^ a woman of the Lapithae, 
embraced a young boy of the name of Lapitus who had not 
arrived at the age of puberty. From this commerce was 
begotten Alatreus, who in a short time attained to the 
stature and figure of his father ; and the two whom you 
observe yonder are that son and father, Lapitus and 
Alatreus. Each of them brings three hundred gallant 

1 See footnote, p. 35. 

« Th., vii. 297 :— 

. . . puerum Lapithaona nymphe 
Dercetis expertem thalami crudumque maritis 
ignibus ante diem cupido violavit amore 
improba conubii. 

The Gaelic Redactor seems to have taken nymphe^ which he renders Nipe^ as the name 
of the woman, and to have ignored the real name Dercetis entirely. 



glaeta ^ glo leathair ar a muin, 7 luireach trebraid tre- 
fhillti ma ^ corp, 7 gae remur ro fhata do na tabair urchur 
d' ^ imroill ina laim. Acus ata sochraidi mor maraen ^ ris sin 
do neoch thanic a h-Iton 7 a h-Acamena a Midaefesaid ^ 
mor 7 a h-Aulis,^ a Grea 7 a Platea '7a h-Andtegon,^ 
7 mill lan-mora luaidi ro dibraicdis ^ a tulaib ^^ tren-amais 
na fir sin. Acus nim tualaing-sea tra,' ar se, ' aireom ^^ 
ina tanic sund do slogaib athloma examla a h-ilchathrachaib 
na Tiauanda aroen re h-Ipitus n-arnaid n-aduathmor ^^ 
mac Naupulus .i. urri na cathrach medonda na Tiauanda. 
Fol. 16b 1. Acus imscith mo roisc,^^ 7 ro comleath ^^ ceo crine ^^ thairsib 
ac tuream ^^ na slog, 7 nim tualaing a ^'^ inndsin inas ^' mo, 
a ingen,' ar se. 

As aithli sin ro erig Ethiocles, rig na Tebi, ar mur a 
chathrach ^^ d'acallaim a sluaig 7 a sochraidi 7 is ed ^^ ro raid 
riu : 'A rigu ^^ maithi, mor-menmnacha,' ar se, ' ni misi 
tendas na tindesnaiges sib do chum in chathaigthi-sea,' ^^ 
acht bar m-baig ^^ 7 ar m-beodacht fen ; 7 bid amcubaid 
seala6^ ^^ lib i cosnum uar ^^ cathrach 7 uar ^* tiri.' Acus is 
amluid ro bui 'g a rad ^^ sin 7 tuc achmosana imda da brathair 
.1. do Polinices mar na ^^ beth ina fiadnaisi. Acus ro ordaich 
lucht a ^'^ cometa ac din a coiten ^'^ na cathrach 7 a gabail 
in mur, 7 ro ordaich curada,^^ croda re cathugud in n-agaid 
gaiscedach Grec a muich ^^ nechtair. Dala na Tiauannda 
conigi sin. 

1 glaetha. 2 y^. 


* foraen. 

^ Midaefessann. ^ Ailis. 

7 Plaetae. 

8 Andgegon. 

9 dibrucud. 10 tulchaibh. 

11 airim. 

12 n-adfhuair. 

13 ruse. 1* coiraleth. 

** crine. 

16 turim. 

"-17 innisin nis. ^^ na cathrach. 

19 Eg. adds so. 

20 riga. 

22 baidh. 23 gi. 

24 far. 

2^ rada. 

27-27 coimeta ac din 7 ac diden. 

28 curaidh. 

29 Eg. adds a. 

2« do. 



horsemen to this muster from GUsa and Coronia. There 
also is Hypseus son of Asopos, king of the northern tribes of 
Thebes. He rides in a four-wheeled chariot, with a beauti- 
ful strongly-fastened shield of polished hides glued together, 
on his back ; and a hauberk well fitting and triple-plied 
protecting his body; and a thick, very long javelin which 
never misses its mark in his hand. Multitudes accompany 
that (warrior), who have come from Itone and Alalcomenis, 
and the great Midea . . . and AuHs, and Graea, and 
Plataea, and Authedon. These men carry huge balls of 
lead which they hurl with sure aim at the foreheads (of their 
opponents). * But I am unable,' continued he, ' to number 
the agile, diverse hosts who have come thither from the many 
cities of Thebes along with the merciless, terrible Iphitus 
son of Naubolus, viz. the chiefs of the central cities of 
Theban lands. My eyes are worn out and the mist of old 
age has spread over them while recounting the hosts. And 
I am unable to relate further, maiden,' concluded he. 

Thereafter, Eteocles, King of Thebes, proceeded to the 
rampart of his capital to address his hosts and troops, and 
thus spoke to them : ' Excellent and magnanimous princes,' 
said he, ' it is not I who have pressed and urged you to this 
war, but your own devotion and courage. You will for a 
season undergo discomfort in defending your city and 
country.' And as he spoke thus, he heaped great reproaches 
upon his brother Polinices as though he were present there. 
Then he ordered his bodyguards to protect and defend the 
city, and to man the walls, and he appointed brave 
champions to fight outside the city against the heroes of 
Greece. The proceedings of the Thebans thus far. 



By Alexander Carmichael 

The following article was written for the Report of the Crofter Royal 
Commission of 1883-4 and has been published only in the Blue Book 
issued by the Commission, though a few copies were printed for 
private circulation. These copies have the following Prefatory 
Note :— 

' This paper was written at the request of Lord Napier and Ettrick 
for the Crofter Royal Commission, over which his Lordship presided. 
Government have courteously granted the writer permission to 
reprint a few copies to give to his friends. 

' Originally the paper was meant to contain some account of the 
geological changes and of the natural history and antiquities of the 
Outer Hebrides, but these not coming within the scope of the Com- 
mission Lord Napier found himself obliged to exclude them. The 
paper is hurried and fragmentary and contains but little of what 
ought to be said of the interesting people and customs of the 
Western Isles. 

' " The account of the old customs is the most interesting thing in 
your Report ; the old hymns are charming." — Extract from Letter of 
a Nobleman in London to Lord Napier.' 

Dr. Carmichael was many times asked to issue this article as 
a small book. He had it in his mind to do so and intended to 
add to it much of the matter which had to be withheld from 
the Report. 


The Long Island comprehends a series of islands 116 miles 
in length. The breadth varies from one mile to twenty-six 

In shape the Long Island resembles an artificial kite — 
Lewis being the body, and the disarticulated tail trending 
southward and terminating in Bearnarey of Barra. 

A range of glaciated hills, rising from the centre of Lewis, 
and at intervals cut into by the Minch, rims along the east 
side of the islands. Along the west side, washed by the 


Atlantic, is an irregular plain of sandy soil, locally called 

These islands are called the Outer Hebrides, being the 
most westerly islands of Scotland, except those of St. Kilda. 
They form a breakwater against the Atlantic, from Cape 
Wrath on the north to Ardnamurchan on the south. 

The Outer Hebrides were of old called Innse Gall, the 
Isles of the Gall, the Isles of the Strangers, from the Norse- 
men who occupied them for over two hundred years. 

The ancient name of the Long Island, and still traced 
among the people, was Innis Cat, the Island of the Cat, or 
Catti. Who the Catti were is uncertain, though probably 
they were the same people who gave the name of Cat Thaobh, 
Cat Side, to Sutherland, and Cat Nis, Cat Ness or Point, to 
Caithness. The modern Clan Chatan are considered to be 
of these people. They are called the descendants of the Cat 
or Catti, and have a cat for their crest. 

The present inhabitants of the Long Island are essentially 
Celtic, with considerable infusion of Norse blood. They are 
a splendid race of people, probably unexcelled, mentally and 
physically, in the British Isles. 

The populations of the different islands form an aggre- 
gate of over 40,000 souls. Of these, forty families occupy 
about two-thirds of the whole land of the islands, the 
numerous crofters occupying the other third. These crofters 
retain pastoral and agrestic modes of life, now obsolete 
elsewhere. To describe these modes of life is the object of 
this paper. 

All the crofters throughout the Outer Hebrides occupy 
and work their lands on the run-rig system, more or less 
modified. They work under this system in three different 
modes, two of these being stages of decay. An example 
from each of these three modes will be given from each of 
three parishes where they are in operation. This the writer 
thinks is preferable to any general description which he could 
devise. These parishes are Barra, South Uist, and North 
Uist, which form the southern division of the Outer Hebrides. 



It seems desirable first to explain certain words and 


The term run-rig seems a modification of the Gaelic, 
* roinn ruith ' — division run. In this case the word ' run ' 
is used in the sense of common. In Gaelic the system of 
run-rig is usually spoken of as ' mor earann ' — great divi- 
sion (or ' mor fhearann,' great land ?). Occasionally, how- 
ever, an old person calls the system * roinn ruith.' This 
seems the correct designation and the origin of the English 
term run-rig. 

The system of run-rig prevailed of old over the whole 
British Isles and the Continent of Europe. It was some 
generations ago common in Ireland, it has been longer 
extinct in England, and is now obsolete in Scotland except 
to a limited extent in the Western Isles. 

Townland, Township 

The English word township represents the Gaelic word 
haile, as applied to a rural locality and to a country com- 
munity. I, however, prefer the word townland to town- 
ship, and have already used it in the paper which Mr. Skene 
asked me to write for his Celtic Scotland, and which your 
Lordship was pleased to commend. 

I believe the word townland is recognised by law. I 
have certainly seen it used in law documents. 

The word baile, townland, often appears in Origines Par- 
ochiales, that invaluable work, compiled by Cosmo Innes 
from ancient charters and other historical documents affect- 
ing the Highlands, and it occurs also in Martin's Western Isles, 
published in 1703. Dr. Johnson says that it was this book 
that gave him a desire to see the Highlands of Scotland, 
and therefore to this book the world is indebted for John- 
son's famous Tour to the Hebrides. A copy of Martin, which 
Johnson and Boswell had with them in the Highlands and 
Islands, the writer has seen in the Signet Library, Edinburgh. 



The townland has a collective existence in various ways, 
— by tradition, by usage, by the condition of the people, by 
the consensus of public opinion, and by the treatment of the 
proprietor. I shall endeavour to show this, and in doing 
so shall confine my observations to the Long Island. 


The word 'maor' is old, and is used in several languages. 
Before and after the tenth century it carried a territorial 
title equal to Baron among the Highlanders and to the 
Jarl of the Norwegians. 

The name was then applied to the governor of a province, 
whose office was hereditary, like that of the king. The 
term maor is now appHed to a petty officer only. 

*Maor gruinnd' is a ground officer. He is appointed by 
the factor — Gaelic, * baillidh ' — and acts under him. On 
large properties the maor is practically a sub-factor, and, 
being the eye, the ear, and the tongue of the factor in his 
district, he is often more feared than the factor himself. 
Where the factor is a non-Gaelic speaking man, as has fre- 
quently been the case on the Gordon properties, the people 
look on the maor with suspicion. ' The tongue of the people 
being then in another man's mouth,' as one of themselves 
graphically said to me, they know not what the maor says 
or leaves unsaid concerning them. Nevertheless, there are 
and have been ground-officers who were far from giving 
cause for such suspicion, who, on the contrary, devoted 
their time and energies to the interests of proprietor and 
people to the neglect of their own. Among these have been 
some of the kindliest men I have ever known. 

The Constable 

There is a constable (Gaelic, constabal) in every town, 
and in some two — one representing the proprietor, the other 
the people. Occasionally the factor and the crofters elect 
the constable conjointly. More often, however, the factor 
alone appoints the constable. When this is the case, the 



crofters murmur that the man thus appointed and paid by 
the factor alone is, unconsciously to himself probably, too 
subservient to the factor and too remiss in their concerns. 
For this reason they elect a man to look after their own 
special affairs. 

When a constable is to be elected for the townland, the 
people meet, and this and all kindred meetings are called 
' nabachd,' neighbourhness. If presided over by the maor 
the meeting is called * mod,' moot. 

If the people meet during the day, they probably meet 
at a place locally known as Cnoc na Comhairle — The 
Council Hill, or at Clach na Comhairle — The Council 
Stone. If they meet at night they meet in some central 
house on the townland. Almost invariably these meetings 
are held at night, so as to avoid losing time during the day. 
The meetings are orderly and interesting. 

Not infrequently the man proposed for the constable- 
ship by his fellow-crofters of the townland declines the office. 
Then another is proposed, and perhaps with like result. 
Ultimately the people may have to cast lots before they 
get a man among themselves to accept the office, the 
duties of which are distasteful to them. 

In some townlands the constable is elected or re-elected 
yearly, in some for a term of years, and in others for life. 

The man who has been appointed constable takes off 
his shoes and stockings. Uncovering his head, he bows 
reverently low, and promises, in presence of heaven and 
earth, in presence of God and of men, — Am fianuis uir agus 
adhair, am fianuis De agus daoine, — that he will be faithful 
to his trust. In some places the elected constable takes up 
a handful of earth instead of uncovering his feet. The 
object is the same — ^to emphasise, by bodily contact with 
the earth, that he is conscious of being made of earth, to 
which he returns. 

These and similar simple and impressive customs are 
disappearing, to the regret of the old people and the 


The services of the constable appointed by the factor 
are paid in money ; those of the constable appointed by 
the crofters in kind — Fiar air beinn, agus peighinn air 
machair — grazing on hill and tillage on machair. 

The duties of the constable are varied and troublesome 
— requiring much firmness and judgment. The constable, 
however, can always rely upon the assistance of one or all 
of his fellow-crofters as occasion requires. 

The peat banks (GaeUc, staill, poill) of the townland 
having become exhausted, the factor or his maor marks 
out a new peat moss. 

The constable divides this into the necessary number of 
stances or haggs, according to the number of tenants in the 
townland. For these stances the crofters cast lots, as they 
do for their rigs of lands. Lest a man should be placed at 
any advantage or disadvantage from his neighbours, these 
stances are again subjected to the lot, in the course of three, 
five, seven, or nine years, as the people consider advisable. 

A peat road (Gaelic, utraid moine) has to be made to this 
new peat moss. Probably the road requires to be made over 
one, two, or three or more miles of rock, bog, and moorland. 
It is the duty of the constable to see that every crofter in 
the townland gives the necessary number of days of free 
labour, with his horses and carts, spades and pickaxes, to 
construct this new road. 

The constable must see that all the roads of the town- 
land are kept in repair by the mutual co-operation of the 
crofters ; that no unnecessary traffic is carried over these 
roads during or immediately after wet weather ; and that 
the side and cross drains of the roads run free. 

To insure equal distribution of labour these by-roads 
are divided into 'peighinnean,' pennies. The good and bad, 
the soft and hard, the steep and level parts of the road are 
thus divided and allotted. Each crofter must keep his own 
portion in repair. Should he neglect, he is taken to account 
by his neighbours, and his portion of road repaired at his 
expense. ^ 



The constable engages the herdsman and shepherd of 
the townland, apportions them ground for potatoes and 
here, collects and pays their wages. These wages are self- 
levied on the crofters according to their rent, as they have 
a whole croft, a half croft, or a quarter croft. 

Every townland has a cattle fold on the machair, and 
another on the gearry — Gaelic, gearruidh. In wet weather 
the constable instructs the herdsman to keep the cows to 
the machair, where the fold, from the nature of the soil, is 
less wet and comfortless to the cows and the women who 
milk them, than the fold on the gearry. 

The constable must see that the dyke enclosing the 
cattle-fold is repaired in early summer before being used, 
and that the gate, * cadha-chliath na cuithe ' — the gate of 
the cattle-fold — is good and strong. The term cadha-cliath 
literally signifies the wattle gorge or pass. 

In wooded districts throughout the Highlands, where 
materials can be found, doors, gates, partitions, fences, 
barns, and even dwelling-houses, are made of wattle- 

In the case of dwelling-houses and their partitions, the 
wattling is plastered over on both sides with boulder clay, 
and whitewashed with lime, thereby giving an air of cleanli- 
ness and comfort to the house. 

Of old this wattle-work was largely used by the Celts. 
It is believed that many of their early houses and churches 
were made of wattling, and Mr. Skene thinks that St. 
Columba's first church in lona was so constructed. 

One of the Gaelic names of Dublin — Gaelic, Dubhlinne, 
' blacklinn ' — is Bail ath-cliath, ' the town of the ford of 
wattles,' the first bridge over the river Liffey having been 
constructed of wattle-work. 

Probably the interlacing — occasionally called Celtic 
basket-work — so much used and so much admired in 
ancient Celtic art and sculpturing had its origin in this 

In carting sea- weed up from the shore, which is extremely 


trying upon horses, the constable sees that no man works 
his horse too heavily or too long. 

When he orders the people to stop work they must stop. 
In some places there was a latent superstition among the 
people that the spirits of their horses were in communi- 
cation with the spirits of heaven. Probably this gave 
rise to their saying — 

* Am fear a bhitheas trocaireach ri anam 
Cha bhith e mi-tbrocaireach ri bhruid.' 

* He wbo is merciful to bis soul 
Will not be unmerciful to bis beast.' 

The constable must see to ' Cuartachadh a Bhaile,' round- 
ing or circuiting the townland. 

There being no fences round the fields, there is danger 
that cattle or horses of their own or neighbouring farms may 
break loose during night and damage the corn. 

To guard against this, two of the crofters make a circuit 
of the townland at night, each two and two of the crofters 
taking this watching in turns during summer and autumn. 
This precaution is called ' cuartachadh,' circuiting. Should 
the watchers be remiss and damage result, the two crofters 
responsible must make good the loss. The damage to 
the corn being appraised, the two crofters in fault pay it 
to the constable, who adds it to the general fund of the 
townland. Should cattle or horses from a neighbouring 
farm cause loss, the owners have to pay the loss. The 
people are exacting in recovering these valuations. ' Is e 
an cunntas goirid, a dh-fhagas an cairdeas fada,' they say, 
*It is the short accounting that shall leave the friendship 
lasting,' and they act accordingly. 

Those, however, who are thus exacting in pecuniary 
matters are, nevertheless, kind and considerate to one 
another in other things. Should a crofter or his family be 
laid up ill, his fellow-crofters help on his work. If a man's 
horse dies, his neighbours bring on his work concurrently 


with their own, and, if necessary, help him to buy another 

In connection with their watching, the people speak of 
a time when they had to kindle fires to scare away wild 
beasts from their flocks, as they do now in some localities 
to scare away deer and game from their crops. These fires 
look picturesque at night, and remind one of Campbell's 
beautiful poem of ' The Soldier's Dream ' — ' By the wolf- 
scaring faggot that guarded the slain.' 

I have asked crofters who said that they were in the habit 
of sitting up at night to watch their corn from deer, if they 
mentioned this hardship to their factor. ' Yes,' said they, 
' but he told us that if we complained to him again he would 
clear us all out of the place, so as to be out of the way of 
the deer. Therefore though we suffer we keep quiet.' 

The constable buys fresh stock, for the infusion of new 
blood for his townland, and sells the old. He will not allow 
a crofter to cart sea-weed from the shore till his neighbours 
have reasonable time to be there, nor will he allow a crofter 
to cut sea-weed when and where he likes. He must see 
that the run-rig land — imire — of one man is not allowed to 
lie under water to the injury of the man to whose lot it may 
fall at next allotting. The tenant must cut a drain to allow 
the surface water to escape. 

Should the crofters of the townland have occasion to 
complain of a fellow-crofter to the factor, a deputation 
from the crofters go to the factor to prefer the complaint. 
The deputation is represented by the constable alone or in 
company. The factor confers with the constable, giving 
instructions, and possibly removes the recalcitrant crofter 
from his holding, should he continue to offend against the 
customs of the community. 

The constable gives information to the people from the 
factor as to days on which the factor is to collect rents 
and rates, as to new rules which the factor wishes enforced, 
or old ones which he wishes more strictly observed, and 
various other things. 


These are some of the duties devolving on the farm 
constable for the orderly management of the townland. In 
the past he had to assist the maor in evicting crofters, some- 
times in evicting and pulling down the houses of near and 
dear relatives. 

There have been no large evictions in recent years in the 
Western Islands, nor will there probably be. 

Proprietors, with a few exceptions, now visit their pro- 
perties, taking a kindly interest in their people, and factors 
are more considerate. One of these, indeed, is a man endowed 
with more excellence of head and heart, without faults, 
than ordinarily falls to the lot of man, a man possessing 
the implicit confidence of proprietors and tenants alike, who 
daily injures himself to benefit them. Mr. John Macdonald, 
tacksman, Newton, North Uist, and factor for Sir John 
Orde, will not forgive my mentioning his name, but others 
will throughout the Highlands and Islands, where his name 
is honoured among all classes. 

But things were not always so in the Western Isles. 
Where a factor, in many ways capable and excellent, in 
those days wished to acquire more land for himself, his 
relations, or friends, he seems to have felt no more com- 
punction in destroying the well-being of scores of comfort- 
able crofters than were they so many sheep. This was a 
common occurrence. Nor, incredible as it may seem, was 
it tiU years afterwards, that some of those absentee pro- 
prietors came to know, and that accidentally, of the whole- 
sale removals of scores of their peaceable, loyal, industrious 
tenants, and of this practical destruction of hundreds of 
their crofter population. That these and many similar pro- 
ceedings should have paralysed the whole crofter popula- 
tion of the Western Islands was only natural. Nor does 
it need a man to Hve and travel among the islands for a 
quarter of a century to see and to be convinced that the 
people of those Western Isles have not yet recovered from 
the effects of that paralysation. 

VOL. x. D 



The Islands of Barra form an oblong group. Of these 
islands, eight are inhabited. The Southern Isles of Barra 
were of old called the Bishop's Isles, because they belonged 
to the bishop of the see. The head of this wild precipitous 
chain of islands is still called Bearnaraidh an Easpaig, 
Bearnarey of the Bishop, occasionally Barra Head — Gaelic 
Ceann Bharraidh. 

The Southern Isles of Barra are famed for birds. These 
are principally the puffin, razorbill, and the guillemote, 
Gaelic buigire, duibheineach, and langaidh. The Manx 
shearwater, Gaelic scrab, was extremely abundant there 
at one time ; but since the advent of the puffin, it is now 
practically extinct. Both these last are burrowing birds. 
The puffin is vicious to a degree, his wonderfully strong, 
sharp, coulterneb bill cutting keenly as a lance. 

Of old the crofters of Miuthlaidh paid their rents in 
birds to Macneill of Barra. These birds were principally 
the yoimg of the shearwater, and called by the people 
* fachaich,' ' fatlings.' 

The land was divided into crofts called ' Clitig,' 'Feoirlig,' 
' Leth-Pheighinn,' and ' Peighinn.' The ' Chtig ' is half the 
'Feoirlig,' the 'Feoirlig' is half the * Leth-Pheighinn ' and 
' Leth-Pheighinn ' is half the ' Peighinn,' Penny. 

The Penny Croft paid two barrels, the Halfpenny Croft 
one barrel, the Farthing Croft one-half barrel, and the Clitig 
Croft one-fourth barrel of ' fachaich ' to Macneill. 

Probably not less than twenty barrels of these birds 
went to Macneill yearly, and all from the small island of 
Grianamal, behind Miuthlaidh ! 

The proprietor came over to Miuthlaidh a fortnight 
before, and remained till a fortnight after Lammas Day — 
Gaelic, La Lunastain. The people were not allowed to go 
to the rocks till he came ; when he left, they had the free 
range of the cliffs. 


The people of the Southern Isles do not now kill many 
birds, being too much occupied otherwise. 

The people of Miuthlaidh do not seem to have used ropes 
as they do in St. Kilda, but to have clambered among 
the rocks like goats. These rocks are wonderfully grand. 
Mr. Campbell of Islay and the writer measured the highest 
of these in October 1871, when the barometer showed nearly 
800 feet above the sea. The place is named Aonig, and 
this particular rock is called Biolacreag. The face of the 
cliff is as smooth and perpendicular as the wall of a house, 
and goes sheer down into the Atlantic. 

This precipice was the crest of the ancient Macneills of 
Barra, and ' Biolacreag ' formed the rallying cry of the clan. 

There is probably no more interesting island in Britain 
than this island of Miuthlaidh, with its wonderful precipices, 
long narrow sea galleries, several hundred feet high in the 
perpendicular sides, and marine arcades, winding their 
gloomy subterraneous ways under the precipitous island. 
To boat through these galleries and arcades needs a calm 
sea, a good crew, and a steady nerve. So far as the people 
of Miuthlaidh knew, the writer was the first to discover, and 
the first, and perhaps the last, to go through, much the 
longest, largest, and gloomiest of these wonderful sinuous 
sea arcades. 

The Macneils of Barra lived in a castle on a tidal rock 
called Ciosmal, in Baile Mhicneill, Macneilltown, now called 
Castlebay. There are two wells within the walls of this 
old castle. The people say that the water of these wells 
comes in pipes under the sea, the pipes being overlaid with 
large flags. 

Some fifteen years ago, the then factor let the castle as 
a herring-curing station, when the principal well, in the 
centre of the court, was filled up, and the chapel in the west 
corner carried away piecemeal as ballast for boats and 
vessels. The native people, who still fondly cling to the 
memory of their once proud chiefs, were grieved at the 
destruction they were powerless to prevent. 


The site of Ciosmal Castle had been the site of a magazine, 
wherein the Norsemen kept war materials during the Norse 
occupation of the Western Isles. 

Ciosmal was abandoned by the MacneiUs during the 
first quarter of last century. They built houses in three 
other places, finally settling at Eoligearry, on the north 
end of the island. The family became extinct in the direct 
male line in Lieut. -General Roderick Macneill. It is said 
that so symmetrical in person was General Macneill that 
* no eye looked at him without looking at him again.' He 
was adored by his people, who, with the fidelity of their 
race, ruined themselves in trying to save him from ruin. 
They gave him their all. 

To Dr. Macgillivray, the people of Barra are much in- 
debted, and this they gratefully acknowledge. Since he 
became tacksman of Eoligearry, some forty-four years ago, 
probably he has given in one form or another some £7000 
in work to the people of Barra, while his skiU and his 
medicine are ever at the disposal of aU. The eminent 
naturalist of that name was brother to Dr. Macgillivray. 

A curious custom prevails among the people of Barra 
of apportioning their boats to their fishing-banks at sea, 
much as they apportion their cows to their grazing grounds 
on land. The names, positions, extent, characteristics, 
and capabilities of these banks are as well known to them 
as those of their crofts. 

The people meet at church on the 1st day of February 
— Gaehc, La-Fheill Bride — the Festival of St Bridget ; 
and having ascertained among themselves the number of 
boats engaging in the long line fishing, they assign these 
boats in proportionate numbers among the banks according 
to the fishing capabilities of each bank. The men then 
draw lots, each head-man drawing the lot for his crew, and 
thus the boats are assigned to their respective banks for 
the season. 

Should a bank prove unproductive, the boats of that 
bank are invariably allowed to distribute themselves 


among the other banks, the boats of which are then at 
hberty to try the deserted bank. The fishermen say that 
the ways and migrations of the fishes of the sea are as 
unaccountable as those of the fowls of the air — here to-day 
and there to-morrow. They say also that fishes resemble 
birds in their habits : some fishes, as the cod and the conger, 
in being solitary, like the raven and the skua ; while some 
other fishes, as the saithe and the herring, are gregarious 
in their habits, and live in communities, like the razorbill 
and the guillemote. I am indebted to the intelligent and 
observant fishermen throughout those islands for much 
interesting and curious information regarding fishes and 

Having completed their balloting, the fishermen go in 
to church, accompanied by fathers and mothers, brothers 
and sisters, wives and children, and sweethearts. The good 
priest says a short service, wherein he commends those ' who 
go down to the sea in ships ' to the protection of the holy 
Saint Barr, after whom Barra is named, of the beautiful 
Saint Bridget, ' virgin of a thousand charms ' — ' Bride 
bhoidheach oigh nam mile beus ' — on whose festival they 
are met, of their loved Mother, the golden-haired Virgin, 
and to the protection, individually and collectively, of the 
Holy Trinity. The people disperse, chanting — 

* Athair, A Mhic, A Spioraid Naoimh, 
Biodh an Tri-aon leinn, a la 's a dh' oidhche ; 
'S air chul nan tonn, no air thaobh nam beann, 
Bith'dh ar Mathair leinn 's bith'dh a lamh mu'r ceann. 
Bith'dh ar Mathair leinn 's bith'dh a lamh mu'r ceann/ 

Father ! Son ! and Spirit Holy ! 

Be the Three-in-One with us day and night ; 

And at the back of the waves or on the mountain-side, 

Be our Mother with us and be her hand about our head, 

Be our Mother with us and be her hand about our head. 

Having dispersed, the people repair to their homes, on 
the way thither eagerly and simultaneously discussing the 



merits and the demerits of their respective banks. To hear 
their loud and simultaneous talk, one would think that the 
people were quarrelling. But no, this is only their way — 
the Barra people being peaceable and gentle, and eminently 
well-mannered and polite. 

This habit of the Barra fishermen of apportioning their 
fishing-banks may seem antiquated to modern views. The 
fishermen themselves advance good reasons for its reten- 
tion, among them being that it prevents overcrowding 
of boats on the banks, with the consequent entanglement 
of lines, resulting sometimes in the loss of temper and 

In the Inverness Courier seventeen years ago, or so, the 
writer suggested converting the strait between Barra Head 
and Miuthlaidh into a harbour of refuge, by throwing a 
breakwater across the west end. A harbour there would 
be of inestimable benefit to shipping and fishing. 

Third Stage of Run-Rig 

The arable land of the crofters of Barra is all divided 
into crofts, no part being in common. The grazing-grounds 
only are held in common, each townland being confined 
to its own grazing limits. The crofters of each townland 
have their own herdsman, and regulate their own townland 
affairs with no interference from without. 

(To he continued,) 



BISCAYAN VERB, found in the volume entitled 
Euscal'Errijetaco Olgueeta, ta Dantzeen Neurrizco-Gatz- 
Ospinduba ; or The Moderate Salted Vinegar for the 
Danses and Amusements of Baskland, by Friar Barto- 
lome Santa Teresa, of the Bare-footed Carmelites of 
Markina, in Biscaya, published at Pamplona, Navarra, 
in 1816 ; 1 and at the Libreria de Federico Soloaga, 
Artecalle, Durango, Biscaya, Spain, May 20, 1914. 
By Edward Spencer Dodgson, M.A., of Jesus 
College, Oxford. 

* El Bibliotecario del Ateneo Cientifico, Literario, y 
Artistico B.L.M. al Hon. Mr. Edward S. Dodgson, y le 
participa que en esta Biblioteca se venia recibiendo con 
regularidad, y se coleccionaba cuidadosamente la Celtic 
Review que nos enviaba, siempre con el mayor agradeci- 
miento recibida por nuestra Sociedad ; la cual se atreve 
a rogar a Vd no interrumpa tan util regalo. Don Ramon 
Perez de Ayala aprovecha esta ocasion para reiterar al Sr 
Dodgson las seguridades de su mas distinguida considera- 
cion. Madrid, 24 de Abril de 1914.' 2 

* It bears the number 184 in the Bihliographie de la Langue Basque, par Julien 
Vinson, Paris, 1891 and 1898. There is a copy of it in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, 
with the press-mark : Basque f. 24. ; and another in the Biblioth^ue Nationale, 
Paris, with the cote 'z Basque 416.' 

The book may be obtained for half-a-crown, post free, from Edward S. Dodgson, 
Esq., Oxford ; and the following index is offered as a help to all who read it. The 
pages of the two editions coincide almost to a word. 

2 ' The Librarian of the Scientific, Literary, and Artistic Athenaeum presents his 
compliments to Mr. E. S. Dodgson, and informs him that the Celtic Review which he 
sent has been received with regularity and has been carefully kept together, always 
with the greatest gratitude received by our Society, which ventures to ask you not to 
interrupt such a useful present. 

'Don Ramon Perez de Ayala avails himself of this occasion to repeat to Mr. 
Dodgson the assurances of his most distinguished consideration. 

*Madbid, 2ith of April 1914.' 


This amiable letter lets the friends of the Celtic Review 
know where they can find its volumes, if they happen to 
visit the Peninsula of the Iberi and Celtiberi, Those tribes 
may have exchanged words with the Gauls, beyond the 
Pyrenees, and even with the Gaels of Hibernia, across the 
Atlantic Whale-Road which united it with Hispania, before 
Rome, in the strength of her commerce and of her arms, 
began to try to combine them under her Induperatores, by 
the foolish method of silencing their native tungs,^ while 
Spanish soldiers fought in her service among the British 

Again in the eighteenth century we find evidence of an 
attempt to join intellectually the Keltic Erdara and the 
Baskish Heuskara, or Euskera, as our Carmelite and other 
Biscayan authors call it in their dialect. Thus the great 
Diccionario Trilingile del Castellano, Bascuence (sic) y Latin 
of Don Manuel de Larramendi, S.J.^), published at San 
Sebastian in 1745, was incorporated into the famous Memoir es 
sur la Langue Geltique (1754-60) by Jean Baptiste Bullet, 
of Besan9on, whose portrait ought to be reproduced in every 
bookroom where Gaelic, Welsh, Comish,^ and Breton find 
readers and students. And perhaps it was Bullet's example 
which induced Henry Clarke,* who was born in 1743 at 
Salford, became LL.I). of the University of Edinburgh in 
1802, and died in Islington, in 1818, to classify Biscayan 

1 The Key. J. B. M'Govern, of the Irish Texts Society, wrote to me on 22nd 
September 1914: 'I to-day read in a letter of E. A. Freeman (July 14, 1869, Life 
and Letters, vol. i. p. 421), " I don't see the use of writing distinguis/if, but I would 
fain write tung, if I dared." The italics are his.' There is no authority for writing 
silent ue in tongw«, or of silent I in couW, or of silent s in island. They are recent 
and useless innovations ; and writers and speakers can only gain by rightly aban- 
doning them, and returning thereby to the simplicity of Old English usage. 

2 He published some other books in favour of Baskish or Vascuense {Vasconense\ 
his mother-tung. 

^ Some valuable Cornish manuscripts of the first half of the eighteenth century 
are kept unused in the Provincial Library at Bilbao, the capital of Biscaya. The 
friends of the revival of Pan-Keltic philology will endeavour themselves to bring 
about their return to Great Britain. 

* See the Dictionary of National Biography. 


with the Keltic tungs ^ in his Tabulce Linguarum, pubHshed 
in 1793.2 

So, rather than leave Baskish to complain with Suibhne,^ 

Utmhall mhHmirce in gach iath, 
Diiairc an bhetha bheith gan teach ! 

let the Gaels embrace Heuskarian studies with perfervid 
zeal, and gain a new point of comparison and contrast 
for their own ancient ' world of words.' To do so would be 
of more practical utility than to read The Japanese Language 
collated with the Irish, by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles 
Vallancey, LL.D.,^ which my learned friend Mr. Sanki 
Ichikawa, of the University of Tokio, noticed when he was 
travelling in Eireland in 1913, and thought unworthy of 
scientific criticism. 

To get more hght on the Biscayan Verb, they must read 
El Verbo Regular Vascongado del Dialecto Vizcaino, por 
Fray J. M. de Zavala (San Sebastian, 1848) ; the Gramdtica 
Vascongada escrita por Don F. I. de Lardizabal (San 
Sebastian, 1856) ; the Gramdtica de los Cuatro Dialectos 
Literarios de la Lengua Euskara, por Don Arturo Campion 
(Tolosa, Guipuscoa, 1886) ; the Index to the Verb in my 
editions of the Biscayan Catechism of Agustin Cardaberaz 
(1762), and of the Biscayan Catechism of Martin Ochoa de 
Capanaga (1653) ; and also my Analysis of the Verb of 
two Catechisms of the eighteenth century written in the 
adjoining dialect of the Provincia de Guipuscoa, which 
appeared respectively in The Transactions of the Philological 

^ See footnote, p. 56. 

2 Edward Lluyd of Llanforda, Wales, and Jesus College, Oxford (1660-1709), 
Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, left among his manuscripts an amusingly incorrect 
glossary of Baskish words extracted from Leigarragas New Testament of the year 
1571. Dr. T. K. Abbott, Librarian of Trinity College, Dublin, found it there in 1904 
and published it in Hermathena. The remainder of my analytical Synopsis of the 
forms of the verb found in that beautiful translation, based upon the original Greek 
text, will be published in 1915, D.V., at the University Press in Oxford. 

3 See p. 120 of Buile Suibhne ... a Middle-Irish romance, by J. G. O'Keeffe, 
1913 : vol. xii. of the Irish Texts Society. 

* Author of an Old-Irish Grammar. See Collectanea de Behus Hihernicisy 
No. X. : Dublin, 1782. 


Society of London, in 1901, and in the Hermathena of Trinity 
CoUege, Dublin, for the years 1910-1913. 

I have written an Enghsh version of the eloquent 
Carmelite's intolerant denunciation of the bascosiddd of 
the danses of his clansmen of one hundred years ago. It 
led to the publication of two books in the Guipuscoan 
dialect by J. I. de Iztueta, the historian ; and is of value, 
chiefly to those who have resided in Spanish Baskland, for 
the light which it throws on the customs of that region, 
as well as for some interesting phrases, and phonetic varia- 
tions, which it contains. He connects the word danse not 
with Gaelic dan, a poem, although primitive people sang 
verses as they dansed ; but with the Biblical Tribe of Dan, 
whom he accuses of having led the world to choreas ducere. 
He proposes to them a few less harmful pastimes or diver- 
tisements as a substitute; for instance (p. 31), the beautiful 
game of pelota, for which during the last fifty years the 
Basks have been famous. Some of their danses were 
performed before H.M. Queen Victoria while she stayed at 
Biarritz in 1889, when she was reported to have said that 
they reminded her of those of bonnie Scotland. 

(Magna Charta, London, a.d. 1556, R. Totelius.) 

Baquidaz, 96. Indicative present, singular, first person, accusative plural, 

verb transitive irregular jaH^i. {=ba-Daquidaz.) I know them. 
Baquijee, 73, 149. Ind. pres. plural, third p., ace. singular, v. tr. irr. 

jakin. {=ba-Daquijee.) They know it. 
Bagoz, 29, 54 (bis). Ind. pres. pi. 3., v. neuter irr. egon. (=ba-Dagoz.) 

They stay, remain, are. 
Baguala, 167. See Ba-Daguala. It is daguala in the new edition. 
Bequijo, 157, 165. Imperative s. 3., dative s., auxihary. Let it he to it! 
Bequijue, 57, 198. Imp. s. 3., dat. pi., aux. Be it to them! 
Beit (for Bekit), 199. Imp. s. 3., dat. s. first person, aux. Let it he to me! 

(Is this a misprint, or a local contraction ?) 
Bedi, Vedi, 14, 33, 42 (ter), 120, 158 (bis), 165. Imp. s. 3., aux. Be it; 

id it he ! 



Bediz, 76, 146, 158. Imp. pi. 3., aux. Let them he ; he they! 

Beeban. See Eban. 

Beegozan, Egozan, 111, 143, 162. Ind. imp. pi. 3., v. neut. irr. egon. 
On p. 143 it represents ha-Egozan, with ha conditional =*/. (// they) 
stayed. Cf . Capanaga, p. 32, and p. 20 of the Apendice Primero of 

Begui, 60, 71. Imp. s. 3., ace. s., aux. active egin=do. Let him do, or 
have, it. (Cf . do as the active auxiUary in English.) 

Beguijee, 183. Imp. pi. 3., ace. s., aux. act. egin. Let them do it! 

Beguiz, 174. Imp. s. 3., ace. pL, aux. act. egin. Let him have them! 

Begoz, 56. Imp. pi. 3., v. neut. irr. egon. Let them stay ! 

Betor, 157. Imp. s. 3., v. intransitive irr. etor. Let it come ! 

Bitez, 41, 158. Id quod Bediz. Be they, let them he ! 

Da. Ind. pres. s. 3., v. substantive and aux. Is. Under this part of 
the Verb I have counted bada=pues, done, then, as it originally meant 
if, or as, it is (so) ; and ezpada=si no, mais, but, originally if it is not, 
unless, or except it is. Our author does not use the older form ta for da 
when the negative prefix ez=not precedes it. In the edition of 1914 
(printed in 1904) the two words are set apart, as here and there in 
the first. The same plan was followed in the case of all other forms 
of the Verb preceded by ez. Ezda, the Biscayan equivalent of 
Guipuscoan ez eta, ez-ta, meaning and not, nor yet, nor, is only 
graphically an equivalent, formed from ez=not and da=and, also. 
3, 9, 10, 11 (bis), 12 (6 times) 14 (4t.) 15, 16, 17 (bis), 18 (bis), 19, 20 
(4 t.), 21 (ter), 23, 25 (5), 26 (bis), 27, 28, 29 (3), 30 (2), 31 (5), 32 (3), 
33 (6), 37, 38 (4), 39 (2), 41 (5), 42 (3), 44 (3), 45 (2), 46, 48 (bis), 49, 
51 (4), 54 (2), 55 (2), 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63 (2), 64 (2), 65 (3), 66, 67, 69, 
70, 71, 72, 73 (2), 74, 75 (2), 79, 80 {dira was substituted in the 2nd 
edition), 82 (3), 84, 85 (2), 88 (3), 91, 95, 98, 99 (2), 100, 101, 106 
(3), 107 (4), 108 (5), 109 (2), 110 (2), 111 (3), 112 (4), 113 (2), 115, 116 
(5), 117 (2), 118, 119 (3), 120 (3), 121, 122 (3), 124, 129, 130, 131 
(3), 132, 134 (2), 135, 139 (2), 140 (3), 146 (5), 147, 148 (4), 150 (2), 
151 (2), 153, 154 (4), 155, 156, 157 (2), 158 (5), 159, 160, 161 (2), 163, 
165, 166, 167 (4), 168, 169 (3), 171 (2), 172 (2), 173, 174, 176 (2), 177 
(2), 178 (4), 179, 180, 183, 184, 185 (4), 187 (4), 188 (8), 189 (4), 191 
(6), 192 (3), 193 (3), 194 (3), 195, 196 (6), 197 (6), 198 (4), 199 (4), 
206, 207. 

Dabee, Davee, Dauee. Frai Bartolome spells it once with u, and with v 
more often than with h. In this and all other Forms of the Verb 
the intervocalic u and the v became h in the second edition, except 
by oversight on pp. 188, 205, and possibly elsewhere. 8, 9, 15, 
16 (3), 17 (2), 20, 31 (p. 30 in the 2nd ed.), 32 (2), 40, 45, 46, 54, 55 
57 (2), 60, 61, 62 (3), 65 (2), 67, 68, 70, 72, 76, 77, 82, 86, 91, 94, 



110, 114, 122, 123, 124, 129, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 146, 150, 
153 (3), 156, 158, 167 (2), 169, 176, 177, 179, 181, 183 (2), 184, 188, 
189, 191, 192, 193, 195 (2), 198. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., v. possessive 
and aux. active. They have it. 

Dabeela, Daveela, 35, 40, 48 (2), 50, 57, 58, 65, 66, 67, 91 (2), 94, 107, 
113, 132 (2), 146, 155, 160 (2), 166, 168, 169, 173, 176, 179, 182, 183, 
185, 189, 191, 192, 194, 199 (2). I. q. Dabee with la conjunctive, 
and participial. That, or while they have it. 

Daveelaco, 57, 71, 114 (2). I. q. Dabeela conjunctive, with the possessive- 
locative termination co : laco giving the pretextive sense to it. On- 
the-ground-that they have it. 

Dabeen, Daveen, Daueen. 8, 9, 40, 45, 48, 58, 64 (2), 71 (2), 96, 106, 110, 

113, 115, 132, 135, 153, 154, 160, 162, 175, 180, 184 (6), 190, 191, 192 
(4), 198 (2), 202, 205 (2). I. q. Dabee withjiV conjunctive; and relative 
pronoun pi. act., ace. s., and mediative s. Thut they have it ; (those) 
which have it (8, 96, 132, 135, 180, 1,98, 202) ; by which they have it (9) ; 
{that) which they have (40, 106, 110, 115, 154, 160, 190, 192). 

Daveena. I. q. Dabeen (1) with N conj. declined (189) nominative 
passive, and 60, 100 (3), 189 accusative. This conjunctive declined 
is translated like la conj., or as ' the fact that, etc' : (2) with N 
relative pi. act., decl. (12, 167) nom. s. pass, and (52, 88, 126) accusa- 
tive s. (na=the-fact-that ; that which). The-fact-that they have it ; 
that which they have. On p. 14 read Dabena, where the first edition 
has daveena. 

Daveenac, Daueenac. I. q. Dabeen with N rel. pi. act., decl. (1) nom. 
pi. act. 60, 94 ; (2) nom. pi. pass. 9, 47, 52, 53, 54, 56, 70, 112, 135, 
150, 164, 200, 201, 202, 203 (2), 204 (nac.=those who). Those who 
Jmve it. On page 123 it ought to be Dabenac. 

Daveenian, 201. I. q. Dabeen, N. relative temporal, declined temporal 
{nian=when). When they have it. 

Dabela, Davela, 17, 20, 24, 46, 73, 80, 83 (2), 90, 98, 104, 112, 113, 121 
(2), 128, 151, 166, 171, 182. I. q. Dau, become euphonically Dabe, 
with la conj. and participial. That, or while, he has it. 

Davelaco, 15, 128 (2), 147, 166, 196. I. q. Dabe, with laco pretextive 
(p. 15, ecin davelaco, where ecin=not possibly). On-the-ground-that 
he has it. 

Daven. I. q. Dabe, the euphonic form of Dau, with N rel. s. ace. 12 (2), 
16, 70 ; N rel. s. nom. act. 51 ; N rel. temp. 164 ; N conj. 17, 39, 59, 
83 (2), 98, 128, 168. That which he has ; who has it ; when she hus it ; 
that he has it. 

Davena, Dauena. I. q. Daben, with N conj. decl. (na=la) 48, 169, 
189 ; iV^ rel. s. act., decl. nom. pass., and ace. 12, 19, 25, 80, 107, 

114, 157, 186, 196 (bis), 197; N rel. s. ace, decl. nom. pass., and ace. 


11, 12,(3), 14 (2, daveena, 1. 11, is a misprint), 26, 28, 66 {na=the- 

f act-that; that which). The-f act-that he has it ; that which has it ; that 

which he has. 
Davenac. I. q. Dahena, but active, 26, 30 (ruling euquitia the accusative 

of Dahee), 66 (2), 102 (davenec in 1816 is a misprint), 123 (3), 134, 

174, 185 (2) {nac=he who ; by him who). He who has it ; (30) 

by him who has it. On p. 123, 1. 6, dabeenac is a misprint of the 

second edition only. 
Davenarentzat, Dauenarentzat, 8, 42. I. q. Daben, N rel. s. act., decl. 

determinate destinative {narentzat=for him who). For him who has it. 
Davenari, 48, 76, 204. I. q. Daben, N rel. s. act., decl. dat. det. {nari= 

to him who). To him who has it. 
Davenian, 46, 51. I. q. Daben, n rel. temp., decl. temp. (nian=when). 

When one has it. 
Davenic, 94, 134. I. q. Daben, N rel. s. act., decl. partitive indefinite 

{nic=some one who). Any one who has it. 
Davil, 110, 116. Ind. pres. s. 3., v. irr. neut. ebil. Goes, walks. 
Davilen, 18, 64, 204. I. q. Dabil, with e euphonic before N rel. s. nom. 

(18, 204) ; iV temp. (64). Who goes ; when one goes. 
Davilena, 87. I. q. Dabilen, N rel. s. nom., decl. ace. (na—that one who). 

Him, or her, who goes. 
Dabilenac, ez-Davillenac, 16, 128. I. q. Dabilen, N rel. s. nom., decl. 

act. (nac.=he who). He who goes. (16 with ez=not.) 
Davilenic, 139. I. q. Dabilen, N rel. s. nom., decl. partitive indef. 

(nic=any one who). Any {kind) which goes. 
Daviltz, 70, 76, 139. Ind. pres. pi. 3., v. irr. neut. ebil. They go, or walk. 
Daviltzala, 125. I. q. Dabiltz, with A euph. before la participial. Them 

toalking ; or a5 they walk. 
Dabilzan, Daviltzan, 50, 64, 70, 81, 82, 176, 184. I. q. Dabiltz, with A 

euph. before N (50, 81, 82) rel. pi. nom. ; or sing, locative. (Those) 

who walk ; in which they walk. 
Dabiltzanac, Daviltzanac, Davilzanac, 7, 59, 113, 114, 174, 200, 201, 202 

(4). (On p. 174, in 1816, davizanac is a misprint.) I. q. Dabiltzan, 

N rel. pi. nom., decl. pi. nom. act. and pass., and (114, 174) ace. 

(nac.=those who). Those who walk, or move. 
Daviltzanian, 163. I. q. Dabiltzan, N rel. temp., decl. temp. (nian= 

when). When they walk. 
Dacar, 22. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. ekar. Brings it, 
Dacarree, 59, 155. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. ekar. They bring 

it. p. 59, with ez-ba (if) They bring it (not). 
ez-Dacarreenac, 14. I. q. Dacarree, with N rel. pi. act., decl. nom. pi. 

intr. (nac=those which). Those which bring it (not). 
Dacarreez, 126. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., v. irr. act. ekar. They bring 




Dacarreezan, 78. I. q. dacarreez, with A euph. before N rel. pi. ace. 

( Those) which they bring. 
Dacarren, 25 (ter). I. q. Dacar, with RE euph. before N rel. s. ace. 

( That) which it brings. 
Dacarz, 197. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. pL, v. irr. act ekar. Brings them. 
Dacazala, 39. I. q. Dacarz, with A euph. before la conj. That it brings 

them. The nominatives alperrerijac and olgueeta utsac are taken 

separately, eta being here disjunctive. Perhaps it is a misprint of 

dacarzala. Cf . Dacacen in my Index to the Catechism of Jose Ochon 

de Arin. 
Daqui, 47, 48, 58, 63, 106, 109, 120, 161. Ind. pres. s. 3, ace. s., v. irr. 

act. jakin. Knows it. P. 120, ez-ba-daqui=If he knows it not. 
Daquijala, 71, 90, 154, 194 (bis). I. q. Daki, with ja euph. before la conj. 

=that, or (71, 154) participial =^^/i^7c. That, or while he knows it. 
Daquijanac, 62, 71, 74 (also 129 in the new edition). I. q. Daki, with ja 

euph. before N rel. s. act., decl. act. {nac=he who). He who knows 

it. On p. 50 it is Daguijanxic with the semi-auxiliary al. 
Daquijanec, 129. Apparently a misprint of Daquijanac already defined, 

and so corrected in my edition. No other form of the Verb ending in 

nee occurs in the book of 1816, davenec on p. 102 being a misprint. 
Daquijee, 55, 60. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. jakin. They know it. 
Daquijeela, 58, 99, 100 (3), 102, 148, 183. I. q. Dakijee, with la participial, 

and (99, 183) conj. While, or that they know it. 
Daquijeen, 50. I. q. Dakijee, with N conj. ruled by legueez. (As) 

that they know it. 
Daquijeena, 101. I. q. Dakijeen, decl. ace. s. (na=the-fact-thut, translated 

as if it were la). The-f act-that they know it. 
Daquijeenac, 55, 94, 136, 201, 205. On p. 136 the text of 1816 has 

daquijenac. I. q. Dakijeen, N rel. pi. act., decl. nom. pi. intr. (iiac= 

those who). Those who know it, 
Daquijeez, 112. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., v. irr. act. jakin. They know 

Daquijen, 193, line 4, is a misprint for daqui juen, rectified in 1904. 
Daquijuen. (Equivalent to Dakioen in £Jl Verbo Regular Vascongado del 

Dialecto Vizcaino, Por Don J. M. de Zavala (San Sebastian, 1848), 

51 (bis). In line 8 of both editions it was misprinted daguijuen), 119, 

192, 193 (2). Subj. pres. s. 3., dat. pi., aux. That it be to them. On 

p. 119 it is destinative, equal to ezdakijuentzdt=in order that it be not 

to them. 
Daquit, 22, 125. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. s., v. irr. a,ct. jakin. I know it. 
Daquizu, 187. Ind. pres. pi. 2., ace. s., v. irr. act. jakin. Ye know it. 
Daquizula, 131. I. q. Dakizu, la participial. While ye know it. 

{To he continued.) 



Emeritus-Professor of Celtic, University of Edinburgh 

Donald Maclean 

The wind-swept and wave-washed island of Colonsay, on 
the west of Argyll, like many other isolated spots in the 
Highlands, gave birth to not a few men of eminence who 
served their country with distinction. It was at Colonsay, 
seventy-five years ago, that Professor Donald Mackinnon 
was born. Sprung of the native stock, and inheriting its 
best qualities, his first outlook on the world of knowledge 
in which he was destined to leave his mark was through a 
rude and xmpretentious parish schoolhouse typical of the 
times, and of which the Professor has given us a vivid 
account in Gaelic. A rough pile of imhewn stones that were 
separated from the heavens by a thick layer of thatch, 
which was not always water-tight, had in its portal for a 
door and protector from the rain-laden western gale a 
column of wood wound round with ropes of straw, which 
served its gallant purpose only as long as hungry cattle 
ceased to be passers-by. The dank and gloomy interior of 
a school, whose lattices were as primitive as its doorway, 
was relieved only by the glowing fire to which each pupil 
contributed his peat. In the heart of many a Highland lad 
burned with corresponding glow a zeal for knowledge. To 
this flame the schoolmaster brought a steady and unstinted 
supply of fuel from his store of knowledge. The parish 
schools of the time were, as a rule, in charge of men of 
culture and educational efficiency who were not unfre- 
quently distinguished products of the Scottish Universities. 
At the age of eighteen he left his island school, and 
entered the Church of Scotland Training College. At the 
Normal College, which was then a popular avenue to the 
University, he had a distinguished record. His University 
career was equally brilliant. In 1868 he gained the Mac- 
pherson Bursary, and the Hamilton Fellowship in Mental 



Philosophy in the following year. His excellent mental 
equipment foimd early recognition and scope for adminis- 
tration. In the capacity of Clerk to the Church of Scot- 
land's Educational Scheme (1869) and Endowed Schools 
and Hospitals (1872), he proved to be eminently capable. 
After the passing of the Education Act, and on the forma- 
tion of the School Board of Edinburgh, he was appointed its 
first Clerk and Treasurer. This was an office not only of 
responsibility, but of considerable difficulty. For in the 
transition stage of Scottish Education from the control of 
the Churches to that of popularly elected bodies, there was 
at times an acrid atmosphere created by the prejudices of 
opposing ecclesiastical organisations. These were largely 
clarified by his equable and genial temper, his remarkable 
tact, and his unobtrusive firmness. During a three-years' 
teaching engagement in Lochinver, Sutherlandshire, he had 
made a close study of the dialects and literature of the 
North. This first-hand acquaintance with northern High- 
landers served him well, not merely in the class-room after- 
wards, but in civil capacity as a member of Lord Napier's 
Commission, where, by his knowledge of Rob Donn, he 
proved by literary quotations, that the condition of the 
Highland crofters during the latter half of the nineteenth 
century was in many respects inferior to that of his 
forebears of the eighteenth century. His contribution 
to the Commission's Report was sufficiently impressive to 
accelerate the subsequent legislation for the ameUoration 
of the lot of the crofters. 

While stiU a student, his qualifications as a Gaelic 
scholar and enthusiast won for him the pre-eminent dis- 
tinction of being associated with such distinguished men as 
Sir Alexander Grant, Sheriff Alexander Nicolson, and later 
Professor James Macgregor of the New College, Edinburgh, 
and Professor Blackie, in their effort to found a Celtic Chair 
in the University of Edinburgh. The full fruition of their 
labours was the establishing of the Chair — ^the only Chair 
of its kind in Scotland — ^with the substantial endowment 


of £14,000. To this Chair he was called to be its first 
occupant in 1882. 

Scotland could boast of a splendid array of Gaelic 
scholars who brought to the study of this ancient speech 
the resources of excellent intellectual equipment. Students 
and patriots have been heavily indebted to them. Among 
these were Drs. Alexander Stewart, Ewen MacLachlan, 
Mackintosh Mackay, Thos. MacLauchlan, Clarke of Kil- 
maUie, to mention only a few. As these disappeared, 
prophets of a new school emerged in the persons of Dr. 
Alexander Cameron of Brodick, Professor Mackinnon of 
Edinburgh, and Dr. Alexander MacBain of Inverness. 
Greatly stimulated by the researches of Continental 
scholars, these three pioneers applied themselves to a 
scientific study of the language. As a student of meticulous 
care in the region of linguistic analysis, Cameron stood on 
a high platform. He had, however, the defect of a too 
severe dogmatism which plunged him into many sharp 
controversies. It is only fail* to the memory of this great 
man to state that most of the positions for which he fought 
so fiercely have been proved unassailable by the latest 
Celtic researches. MacBain, who specialised in philology, 
was, like Cameron, a native of Badenoch. He had all the 
mental strength and weakness of his countryman. His 
Dictionary is a splendid tribute to his industry. 

Professor Mackinnon has a more profound and compre- 
hensive knowledge of Gaelic language, literature, and anti- 
quities than either of his contemporaries. He has better 
literary and linguistic balance, and accordingly a much 
saner judgment. He sees a vast difference between the 
hypothetical and the axiomatic. He moves with deliberate 
caution — ^not the caution of ignorance, but of knowledge. 
He knows too well the ramifications, the intertwining of the 
roots of a speech that penetrates into the remotest anti- 
quity, to hurry to the limelight with mere show of know- 
ledge. Travelling through the manifold windings of a 
speech, during its long history of development and deterior- 

VOL. X. £ 



ation, requires a firmer guide than some of the foreign and 
home scholars who have impressed their knowledge with 
much insistence on the unwary and imcritical. 

From the outset of his career in the Chair, Professor 
Mackinnon endeavoured to arouse enthusiasm and admira- 
tion for Scottish Gaelic and Gaelic literature. His task was 
a formidable one, as he had many foreign scholars, and some 
British and Irish, ranged against him. These regarded 
Scottish Gaelic as the uninteresting debris of a great speech, 
and concentrated attention on Irish as more worthy of 
study. Scottish GaeUc, like all branches of the Scottish 
speech, suffered by the corroding influences of time, when 
the decay of spoken speech was not arrested by any con- 
sistent orthography. This decay was only arrested by the 
literature that appeared after the middle of the eighteenth 
century, and notably by the translation of the Scriptures. 
In the various dialects of Scottish Gaelic, Professor Mac- 
kinnon, however, found such unmistakable evidence of its 
grandeur as to establish it in a place of equal honour with 
that of the other branches. To this mass of literature he 
drew the attention of his students, insisting on the need 
of careful and thorough study in order to appreciate the 
character and the soul of a people which were faithfully 
delineated by their chroniclers and poets. On resigning his 
Chair, he had the satisfaction of knowing that his efforts 
had created a school whose influence is manifest in a com- 
plete reversal of former historical estimates of the Scottish, 
and particularly the Highland, people. 

In the classroom he was an ideal professor. To his 
eminence as a scholar and teacher must be added the 
invaluable quahties of accessibility, prudence, sympathy, 
authority, and soundness of judgment. He made frequent 
use of good humour and pawky common sense, but never 
of that scorching sarcasm that is so disastrous to study and 
discipline. The stumbling disciple he gently led, and on 
stupidity he never brought down an intellectual bludgeon. 
His energy and enthusiasm were well directed to elicit a 


hearty response from those under his tuition. In a marked 
degree he was held in respect and affection by the many 
students who passed from his hands. The attachment 
between Professor and students, added to the efficiency of 
the instruction imparted, resulted in a complete revolution, 
in their relation to Gaelic, of the professions that labour 
over the Highland area. The ministry, who, above all others, 
use the vernacular as a means of instruction, have been 
rescued from the stigma of illiteracy in regard to Gaelic, 
until they are now to a very large extent, not merely accur- 
ate speakers, but in many cases students and advocates of 
its scientific cultivation. This highly meritorious result is 
an eloquent and a valuable memorial to his term of office. 
As a writer, too, he has distinctly left his mark. His 
versatility can best be gauged by an examination of the 
periodic and daily press. In the Scotsman files alone can be 
found such a mass of material of varied interest on linguistic, 
social, antiquarian, genealogical, and ecclesiastical pro- 
blems as would, if published, form a large volume of accurate 
information for students and the general public. His earli- 
est contributions to Gaelic literature appeared in the 
columns of the Gaidheal, and these can still be studied 
profitably by students. As a writer of correct and idiomatic 
Gaelic he has hardly any equals. For his own class in the 
University he published selections of Gaelic extracts from 
MSS. and modern Gaelic authors showing the orthography 
and development of the speech. The Celtic Review is 
peculiarly indebted to him, for it was he who first suggested 
the establishing of such a magazine, and when asked to 
stand sponsor for it he at once and cordially agreed. His 
connection with the Review makes it impossible to speak at 
greater length here of his work for it. Everything Pro- 
fessor Mackinnon writes is valuable, and to the Celtic Review 
he has contributed numerous articles of great value, as well 
as the ' Glenmasan MS.' and the ' Thebaid of Statins ' both 
annotated, compared with versions elsewhere and translated. 
Among his numerous contributions to Gaelic Societies, his 



valuable paper on the Femaig MS. in the transactions of 
the GaeHc Society of Inverness, has placed all students of 
Gaehc under heavy obligations. He also acted as one of 
the revisers of the Gaelic Bible, contributing chiefly to the 
translation of the New Testament. First, however, in order 
of importance among the literary works, is his recent book — 
The Descriptive Catalogue of Gaelic Manuscripts in the Advo- 
cates^ Library and elsewhere in Scotland. This is a work of 
rare illuminating scholarship and accurate research, which 
is invaluable to Celtic scholars and Scottish historians. No 
one else could have written this book. It has evoked the 
envy and admiration of Irish scholars, for notwithstanding 
the MS. treasures in Ireland and the progress of the Irish 
School, they have produced nothing comparable with it. 
But what is in many respects the greatest of his works still 
lies in MS. It is an amended, enlarged, and exhaustively 
revised edition of the Highland Society's Dictionary. If 
this labour of years were to see the light it would probably 
render further dictionaries of this kind unnecessary. But 
the publishing undertaking would require the purse of a 

No accoimt of the Professor would be complete which 
ignored his delightful personal quaUties, which did not 
speak of the charming Highland lady who is his wife. In 
the bosom of his own hospitable family, during the winter 
months of the past number of years, he has gathered Edin- 
burgh Celtic enthusiasts at Gaelic Readings, and the out- 
flow of his winsome, generous nature made these meetings 
a real oasis in the lives of their frequenters. His friend, the 
late Donald Mackechnie, has told in his own humorous 
fashion of this ceilidh. 

May the Professor be long spared to continue his work 
in and for Gaelic and to encourage others by his example 
and counsel. ' Gu mu fad' a thig ceo as a thigh ! ' 



W. J. Watson 

The Chair in connection with which I have the honour of 
addressing you in this inaugural lecture was founded in 
1882, through the exertions and influence of John Stuart 
Blackie, Professor of Greek in this University, whose devo- 
tion to the interests of the Scottish Highlands, both educa- 
tional and economic, deserves the lasting gratitude of the 
Gaelic-speaking people. The first occupant of the Chair, 
Professor Donald Mackinnon, has just ended a distinguished 
tenure, signaHsed by much scholarly work. Much of that 
work, imfortunately for the ordinary student, appeared 
only in the columns of the Scotsman and Gaidheal, and I 
think that very few are aware of the quantity and quality 
of the matter that lies thus concealed. That Professor 
Mackinnon may be long spared to enjoy his leisure is the 
warm wish of his many friends. If he finds time to see 
through the press a series of selections from the articles I 
have mentioned, he will confer on Scottish Gaelic scholar- 
ship a benefit comparable to that conferred by his masterly 
account of the Gaelic manuscripts in Scotland. 

The official title of this Chair is the Chair of Celtic 
Languages, Literature, History and Antiquities, and the 
occupant is empowered to teach all of these subjects or 
some of them, with this proviso, that so long as Gaelic con- 
tinues to be a medium of spiritual instruction in the 
Highlands of Scotland, the professor must give instruc- 
tion in the uses and graces of Scottish Gaelic. Let me 
indicate shortly the extent of the field covered by this com- 
mission. In the department of languages we have (1) 
Irish Gaelic in its divisions of Old, Middle, and Modern ; 

(2) Scottish Gaelic, the literature of which is mainly modern ; 

(3) Manx GaeHc; (4) Welsh, Old, Middle, and Modern; 

1 An Inaugural Address delivered in the Celtic Classroom of the University of 
Edinburgh, on October 13, 1914. 


(5) Breton ; (6) Cornish. Here, even allowing for the close 
resemblance of members of the Gaelic group to each other 
on the one hand, and the resemblance of members of the 
Cymric or Brettonic group to each other on the other hand, 
it is still true to say that any one of those languages is a 
formidable study in itself. More than this, the thorough 
knowledge of even one sub-division or stage of a language, 
such as Old Irish, forms a special study in itself. Along 
with the languages go the literatures, ranging from the 
abundance of Irish Gaelic to the slight remains of Manx 
and Cornish. In the region of History and Antiquities, 
we have to deal with what may be known of the Celts on 
the Continent from Spain and Gaul on the west to Galatia 
on the east, and with the insular or British Celts from the 
English Channel to Iceland. To deal adequately with 
this commission in its length, breadth, and depth, would 
require not one man, but a college, and it is with consider- 
able relief, therefore, that the occupant of this Chair finds 
that the terms of his commission are satisfied if he deals 
with some of the subjects mentioned. The position is 
further defined by the proviso as to Scottish Gaelic, for 
there can be no doubt that, whatever may happen in time 
to come, Gaelic is now the principal medium of religious 
instruction over large areas of the Highlands, and that 
therefore the uses and graces of the language must form an 
important part of the work of the Celtic Chair at the present 
time. Whatever may be attempted in addition, the study 
of Scottish Gaelic as a living language will form the basis. 
It is therefore not inappropriate to this occasion to con- 
sider the position of Gaelic in Scotland, and in so doing I 
should like first to glance at its origin, and to trace in rough 
outline its varying fortunes in growth and in decline. 

As to the origin of Gaelic in Scotland, two views are 
possible. The first is that Scottish Gaelic is a survival of 
the language of the earliest Celtic conquerors of Britain, 
who, according to this theory, were Gael, and who were 
pushed north into the Highlands and west into Ireland by 
a later Celtic invasion, this time of Cymric type. The 


other view is shortly expressed in the assertion of Dr. 
Kuno Meyer, that ' no Gael ever set foot on British soil 
save from a vessel that had put out from Ireland.' The 
question is difficult, for the evidence is circumstantial, but 
on the whole I would agree with those who hold that Scottish 
GaeHc was introduced from Ireland in the early centuries of 
the Christian era, and as the language of superior culture, 
of the Church and of the Court, was gradually superinduced 
on dialects of the ancient British, the last of which to be 
eclipsed was the Welsh of Strath Clyde. Gaelic attained 
its greatest extent in the eleventh century, when at the 
time of Carham in 1018 it ran from Tweed and Solway to the 
Pentland Firth. Even then, it failed to oust English from 
the Merse ; probably Caithness and Lewis spoke Norse only, 
while the Isles, the West Coast, and much of the north-east 
as far as the Beauly valley would be to some extent bihngual. 
In the twelfth century the position of Gaelic changed for the 
worse, when under the sons of Margaret it ceased to be the 
language of Church and Court, and ceased also to be 
regarded as the language of superior culture. In the course 
of the next five hundred years, Gaelic slowly withdrew from 
Scotland south of Forth and Clyde, leaving, however, 
abundant traces of its presence in the distinctively Gaelic 
names of places found all over that region, even in the 
Merse. Here around Edinburgh names like Balerno, 
Auchencorth, Craiglockhart, Dalmahoy are easily recog- 
nisable as Gaelic. The records sometimes afford interesting 
glimpses, as, for instance, an account of a perambulation of 
the lands of Stobo soon after the year 1200. In connection 
therewith, a number of men familiar with the lands in ques- 
tion were convened, and their names are given. Among them 
are pure Saxon names like Edolf ; Strathclyde names like 
Ques Chutbrit ; while twelve names are Gaelic such as 
Gylmihhel, Gillemor, Gylcolm,i which last was the name of 

^ Ques Chutbrit means St. Cuthbert's servant. Gylmihhel, Gilmor and Gylcolm 
mean St. Michael's servant, St. Mary's servant, and (probably) St. Columba's servant. 
Other interesting names in the same record are : Cos Mungho and Cos Patric Rome- 
fare (pilgrim to Rome). 



the smith of Peebles. Gaelic lasted long in Galloway and 
Ayrshire. George Buchanan states that the old tongue 
was still spoken in parts of Galloway in his time, and it 
may have survived longer. 

I have indicated that the period of Margaret and her 
sons, with its changes in Church and State, marked a faUing 
away in the fortunes of Gaelic. The situation was repro- 
duced in its main features nearly five hundred years later. 
In 1493 the final forfeiture of the great lordship of the Isles 
meant the collapse of a Gaelic court, and of a system of 
administration which was second only to that of the kings 
of Scotland. Following on this came the Reformation of 
1560, the effect of which was to sever the intellectual life 
of Protestant Scotland from that of Catholic Ireland. The 
downfall of the Lords of the Isles was a necessary step 
towards the real unifying of Scotland. It was a very great 
blow to Gaelic prestige, and it removed the only force that 
existed to check centrifugal tendencies among the Gael. 
The severance from Ireland was by no means an unmixed 
evil, for the result of it was to emancipate Scottish GaeHc 
and to produce a new school of poets and a new and 
fresh style of poetry, headed by Mary Macleod, Mairi 
Nighean Alastair Ruaidh, who was born in the latter 
part of the sixteenth century. The growth of this literature 
was undoubtedly encouraged by the rise of the clan feel- 
ing consequent on the fall of the Lords of the Isles. The 
spirit of this poetry is intensely patriotic, but its f atria is 
the clan. I think it may be said that the larger view is to 
be found only among bards of the Clan Donald, representa- 
tives of the spirit of the fallen house. The official view of 
Gaelic and Gaelic culture during this period of clan activ- 
ity was hostile. A training in ' Vertew, lernyng and the 
Inglisch tongue ' was the prescription of the Privy Coimcil 
in 1616, for 'reclaiming the youth from their barbarous 
rude and incivile formes bred and setled in them in ther 
youth.' This attitude, however, does not seem to have in 
any degree led to the discontinuance of the language. 


The second stage in the history of modem Gaehc begins 
with the change in circumstances brought about by the 
suppression of the risings of 1715 and 1745. 

The new road, of which Dr. Neil Munro has lately 
written with his usual insight, was the beginning of things 
as they are now. Steamers, railways, tourists, school- 
masters, newspapers followed to play their part. The 
Highland chiefs and gentry soon came to abandon Gaelic 
for English, and to live south of the Highland line when 
they could. At a Highland banquet held in the early 
years of the nineteenth century, a call was made for the 
bards to be brought to the head of the table. ' The bards 
are gone,' said Macnicol of Scorrybreck. ' No,' said 
Alastair Buidhe Maclvor, 'but their patrons are gone.' 
Gaelic had come to be no language for a gentleman. The 
early Irish churchmen went even further, if Professor John 
Macneill is right in ascribing to their influence the query 
of an ancient grammarian : ' Why is he who reads Irish 
unruly (borb) in the sight of God ? ' But the language 
survived the hostility of the early churchmen, and there 
are not wanting indications at the present time that its 
day is not yet over. 

Mhair i f6s 

Is cha teid a gl6ir air chall 

Dh'aindeoin g6 

Is mirun mh6r nan Gall. 

After this rapid and almost diagrammatic historical 
survey of the fortunes of the language, I come to the con- 
sideration of its present position in some little detail. 

First, as to area. If we exclude the large towns, we 
shall find no Gaehc on the mainland south of Forth and 
Clyde. In Dumbartonshire and Stirlingshire there is still 
some spoken around Loch Lomond.* West and North 
Perthshire is largely Gaelic speaking. In parts of Kin- 
cardine, Gaelic is not long dead, and it survives still to a 
small extent in Braemar, and, if I am rightly informed, in 
Strath Don. The uplands of Banff and Elgin still contain 


a few native speakers. The landward part of Nairnshire 
contains a considerable number. In Argyll, Inverness, 
Ross and Sutherland one finds the language spoken very 
generally. Bilingualism of a sort is the rule, with the 
qualification that on the whole the West Coast man uses 
Gaelic for his ordinary purposes, though he can speak and 
read English; the East Coast man is apt to use English, 
even though he can speak Gaelic. In the Isles Gaelic is 
the rule. The whole of Lewis, for instance, outside of 
Stornoway, speaks Gaelic as its native language, though 
English is making some headway through the schools. 
The quahty of the Gaelic as spoken in these districts varies 
greatly, and to award the palm to any particular locality 
would be a risky matter. This much, however, may be 
said, that the West Coast men and the Islesmen have a 
much more copious vocabulary than the men on the east, 
and that they speak with a propriety of idiom and a gram- 
matical accuracy of case, gender and agreement of adjec- 
tive with noun, to which the easterners cannot lay claim. 
The latter, in fact, have a tendency to reduce the cases to 
one and that the nominative, and to dispense with the 
feminine gender in favour of the masculine. The East 
Coast man who aspires to speak and write Gaelic correctly 
has a rather difficult task before him, and it is not without 
significance that for many years the writers and creators 
of Gaelic literature have on the whole come from the west, 
while the critics and formal scholars have been men from 
the east. The district of Lochaber, which is largely inter- 
mediate between east and west, has been eminent both 
for producers and for critics. 

It is an interesting, if somewhat saddening, study to 
note the effect of the disappearance of Gaelic on the mental 
habits and equipment of the people. The true native 
Gaehc speaker has succeeded to a very considerable inherit- 
ance. He has got traditionary lore in the form of tale, 
baUad, proverbial sayings, local history, superstitions and 
so forth. His district is full of associations to him. The 


names of knoll and hollow, well and stone, are to him signi- 
ficant : he has tales to accomit for them. He has his 
Gaelic rhymes and songs, and has some knowledge of the 
poets of his own district. In short, without labouring the 
point further, the native Gaelic speaker has a very con- 
siderable stock of mental pabulum ; his mind is far from 
being either empty or stagnant. To the outsider who 
Imows Gaelic, he is an interesting man. The other day, as 
I came along the side of Loch Linnhe from Fort WiUiam 
to Onich, I talked with a man who was cutting his grass 
by the roadside. We spoke in Gaelic. He gave me details 
of the battle of Inverlochy and the localities connected 
with it, that could not be found in any book. ' Ciod e 
an gleann tha air taobh thall an locha ann a sin ? ' I asked 
him. ' Tha, gleann a' Bhlair Bhuidhe.' ' An e sin far an 
robh Fionn gun chomas eirigh no suidhe ? ' I asked. ' Is e 
sin e,' he said. ' Is e famhair bha anns a' Bhlar Bhuidhe.' 
Gleann a' Bhlair Bhuidhe is on no ordnance map so far as I 
know. There is a community of thought, a freemasonry 
among Gael, that makes intercourse with them a very 
charming thing, a precious privilege, to such as have the 
good fortune to be of the community. Take, on the other 
hand, the Highlander who has no Gaelic or little Gaelic. 
He has missed the inheritance of the Gael, and has never 
entered on the inheritance of the Saxon. He is flat, dull, 
and unprofitable ; you can wring little or nothing of interest 
out of him. Such is my experience at least, and I am told 
by competent observers that on the borders of Wales it is 
the same. The Welshman of the Welsh-speaking area is 
infinitely brighter and more interesting than the Welsh- 
man who has come to speak English only. There is a marked 
difference in this way between neighbouring villages. Which 
of the two, it is worth while asking, is likely to love his 
countryside better, the man who has GaeHc or the man 
who has not ? 

I should like in the next place to give some idea of the 
present state of Scottish GaeUc from the literary and 


scientific points of view. It is sometimes asserted that 
the Hteratm'e of Scottish Gaelic is negligible or almost 
negligible, that it is meagre in amount, and that what 
there is, is modern and of little value. Talk of this sort 
can be to a large extent discounted. It is true that beside 
the mass of English literature, or so-called literature, the 
total output in Gaelic is meagre. Nor can it compare 
either in antiquity or in amount even with the literature 
of Ireland. For the history of the language and for light 
on early manners and customs and beliefs, we must always 
have recourse to Irish Gaelic. But there is this to be said 
in favour of such Gaelic literature as we possess : it is 
literature. It matters not whether the authors were 
learned or unlearned, the great bulk of the stuff has the 
genuine ring. There is genuine artistry in the touches, 
there is sincerity in the sentiment, there is beauty, some- 
times wondrous beauty, in the rhythm. It is simple when 
you come to look into it and analyse it, but it is a charmed 
simplicity. It is ' the imelaborate magic of the Celt.' This 
classic quality is to be found not only in the greater writers, 
though it is found among them more regularly. It is also 
found among the lesser and less known. Nor is it con- 
fined to poetry. There is a good deal of Gaelic prose which 
attains a very high level. The late Donald Mackechnie 
wrote prose which for delicacy and subtlety of phrasing, 
and for quiet humour of the philosophic sort, was quite 
equal to Addison. There are aUve to-day several writers 
little, if at all, inferior to him. It may fairly be urged that 
the quality, at any rate, of Gaelic literature entitles it to 
consideration and respect. As to the quantity, it is pro- 
bably larger than many people imagine. But large or 
small, there is this in it : Gaelic poetry is no empty vapour- 
ing, but the wholesome product of the soil, redolent of 
associations with the places, customs, occupations and 
persons familiar to the people. Take, for instance, a 
poem which has given and gives great pleasure to many 
as well as myself, Oran na Comhachaig, ' The Song of the 


Owlet,' written probably before 1600 by Donald Finlayson, 
a Lochaber hunter. It is a gem, or rather a succession of 
gems, of clean Gaelic thought, quite untouched by outside 
influences. The universal element is there, but the setting 
is Lochaber, Lochaber chiefs, Lochaber forays and huntings ; 
the individual mountains and corries from Ben Nevis to 
Ben Alder ; Creag Uanach and Loch Treig. No young man 
or woman in Lochaber to-day knows that poem ; the old 
people know it, and their faces light up at a verse of it. 
It is theirs. It is worth countless reams of English poetry to 
them. From this point, the modernity of Gaelic literature 
is an advantage. It is not too old to be appreciated. Its 
appeal is still fresh. There is, however, one great draw- 
back in connection with our Gaelic literature. It is not 
sufficiently accessible. It is too often badly printed and 
poorly edited, and, owing to the smallness of the constitu- 
ency to which they appeal, Gaelic books are apt to be 
expensive. I shaU have something to say on these points 
later on. 

For such scientific critical work as has been done in con- 
nection with Scottish Gaelic, we are indebted mainly to 
native scholars. In this connection a great impetus was 
given to investigation by one who was himself neithe^ 
scientist nor Gaelic scholar, namely, James Macpherson, of 
Ossianic fame. He was not the first great collector, but 
the way in which he treated his material, the claims of 
authenticity and antiquity which he made for his produc- 
tions, and the fierce controversy that raged for many years 
about the whole matter, forced his defenders and his attackers 
to strenuous efforts in the way of collecting and of criticis- 
ing. Collections of heroic Gaelic poetry became quite the 
fashion; and undoubtedly it is to Macpherson indirectly 
that we owe the preservation of so much valuable material 
in, for example, John F. Campbell's great collection of 
West Highland Tales, and his equally great, but less known, 
collection of ballads in Leabhar na Feinne. The contro- 
versy also helped imdoubtedly to the attainment of com- 


paratively clear views as to the true nature of those ballads, 
and the methods of dealing with them. A trained student 
of the present day is in a position to appreciate the exact 
nature of Macpherson's work in a way that none of his 
contemporaries did. 

Of those who worked at the language three or four 
names stand out within the last century. The first of 
these, and in some respects the greatest, was Ewen Mac- 
Lachlan, bom at Coruanan in Lochaber (1775-1822). Apart 
from his imdoubted mastery of Gaelic, MacLachlan was a 
first-rate classical scholar. Two monuments of his industry 
and scholarship remain. The first is his work on the 
GaeHc-Enghsh part of the great Highland Society Gaelic 
Dictionary. The second is his transcript, or rather trans- 
literation, of the sixteenth-century Manuscript, the Book of 
the Dean of Lismore, an exceptionally difficult piece of work, 
well done, which at a later date was consulted by Dr. 
Thomas MacLauchlan in his edition of that book. Ewen 
MacLachlan lived before real scientific study of language 
had begun. He had none to guide him. He accomplished 
much, but with adequate training and longer life he would 
have been, so far as one can judge, incomparably our 
greatest Celtic scholar. 

Scientific work on the language in the modern sense 
was begun by Alexander Cameron (1827-1888), born near 
Kingussie, and best known as Dr. Cameron of Brodick. 
His work is collected in the two volumes entitled Eeliquice 
Celticce, edited after his death by Alexander MacBain and 
the Rev. John Kennedy, both Badenoch men. He had 
the makings of a great grammarian and philologist, and 
in both departments he accomplished useful work. One 
of his most useful performances is his transcription and 
transliteration with occasional translation of the Dean of 
Lismore' s book, which marks a very great advance on the 
edition by Dr. MacLauchlan. 

The torch lit by Cameron was carried on by his younger 
contemporary, Alexander MacBaui (1855-1907), born in 


Glen Feshie, near Kingussie. MacBain is best known by 
his great Gaelic Philological Dictionary. It was the first 
philological dictionary of a Celtic language, and though 
he was able to utilise the work of Dr. Whitley Stokes and 
others, that does not detract from the reputation for 
philological scholarship which is his due. MacBain' s 
Dictionary raised Gaelic philology out of the bog of fanciful 
conjecture, and set it on a firm scientific basis. His work 
will assuredly stand the test of time, and, where it needs 
correction, it takes an imcommonly good man to correct 
it. MacBain did much besides in the way of grammatical, 
historical, and antiquarian monograph, aU characterised 
by deep and wide learning and robust common sense. He 
did particularly good work in connection wtih Celtic 
personal names, and Celtic and Norse names of places in 

I have mentioned these three, Ewen MacLachan, 
Alexander Cameron, and Alexander MacBain, as the three 
whose names would occur most readily to one who recalled 
the native Gaelic scholars of fairly recent times. Many 
others have done good work on the language, and I should 
Hke to mention especially the work of the E-ev. C. M. 
Robertson of Kilchoman, Islay, on the Gaelic dialects. 
Mr. Robertson fortunately is still with us, and may be 
expected to contribute still more to our knowledge of 

To sum up the points I have been trying to make in 
this section : Scottish Gaelic possesses a literature which 
though relatively small is not contemptible, but of value 
both absolutely and specially for the Gaelic-speaking people. 
Work has been done on its critical side by native scholars 
which will compare favourably with the work done by 
native scholars on any other Celtic language, Irish, Welsh 
or Breton. 

Now I proceed to consider the position of Gaelic educa- 
tionally in our universities, training colleges, and schools, 
secondary and elementary. I believe that the first to 


suggest the desirability of a Celtic Chair in Scotland was 
Dr. Samuel Johnson, who would have it placed in St. 
Andrews, but, as we know, it was not till 1882 that the 
Chair was established and then not in St. Andrews, but in 
Edinburgh. Within recent years a Celtic Lectureship has 
been estabUshed in the University of Glasgow. In these 
universities, then, regular instruction is given in Gaelic, 
with a view to graduation, and it is naturally recognised 
as a subject for the Preliminary Examination. Lastly, 
Gaelic ranks as a possible subject for the Bursary Compe- 
titions of Aberdeen, Glasgow, and Edinburgh. This is 
certainly a more creditable state of matters than that 
which existed thirty years ago, but it compares very 
unfavourably with the position given to Welsh in the 
University of Wales, with its three colleges of Aberystw3rth, 
Bangor, and Cardiff, and with the position given to Irish 
in the National University, where Irish Gaelic is compulsory 
for matriculation. Is e farmad a ni treabhadh (It is rivalry 
that makes ploughing), says the proverb, and there is 
assuredly much loss to Scottish scholarship in the fewness 
of professed Gaelic scholars, and in the fewness of the 
students of Gaelic. There is a lack of the process of iron 
sharpening iron. We badly want a school of Celtic scholars 
who would to some extent co-operate and possess the 
authority and the weight with the public, that can never 
be attained by one or two isolated men. Perhaps upon 
the whole the situation is improving, but it is true that at 
the present time the voice of Gaelic scholarship in Scot- 
land is too weak and too unorganised to have weight with 
the public against the self-complaisant charlatanism that 
is the natural outcome of illiteracy. 

The position of Gaelic in our schools is most unsatis- 
factory, and contrasts strongly with the position of Irish 
Gaelic in Irish schools, Welsh in the schools of Wales, 
Dutch in S. Africa, French in Canada, and, generally speak- 
ing, with the position of native languages other than 
English all over the British Empire. In Wales, the Welsh 


language is taught in every school as a matter of course, 
and not only so, but it is in many or most cases the medium 
of instruction. The Welshman who does not know English 
is, however, considered illiterate. In Ireland, writes Mr. 
T. W. Rolleston, the Gaelic movement has laid hold of the 
machinery of the State to an extent that, he thinks, is 
not generally realised. Irish is taught in 2800 schools 
to about 170,000 children. The teaching of Irish is 
helped by a grant of £14,500 a year from Imperial sources. 
A capitation grant of £5 a head is given for every qualified 
teacher of Irish turned out by the voluntary training colleges. 
There are four or five official organisers of Irish Gaelic 
education, paid by the Irish Board of Education. With 
us in Scotland, no official encouragement is given even 
to the reading of Gaelic in districts where it is vernacular. 
The only recognition of it is in a temporary oral use as a 
means to the acquisition of English. It is true that it is 
not actually illegal to teach Gaelic in an elementary school 
to Gaelic-speaking children. The thing may be done, and, 
here and there, it is done. But when done, it is done pre- 
cariously and on sufferance ; as a work of supererogation 
but conveying no merit in the performance. Personally I 
have long held that such an attitude to Gaelic is unjustifi- 
able on educational grounds, and xmfortunate for our 
interests as a nation. The Gaelic -speaking people of 
Scotland have done, and are doing, their full share, and more 
than their share, towards the development and defence of 
the British Empire, and their ancient and honourable 
language does not deserve to be the Cinderella of all lan- 
guages of the Empire. 

An important step in the right direction was taken 
when Gaelic was recognised as a subject for the Inter- 
mediate Certificate, and this concession has had some good 
effect. It must be remembered, however, that this affects 
only a small number, some seventy or eighty per year, and 
leaves the elementary schools quite untouched. Further, 
it leaves the subject at a loose end, for as no paper has yet 

VOL. X. F 


been granted on the higher standard, there is no induce- 
ment, but rather the opposite, to continue Gaelic beyond 
the intermediate stage. This aspect of the case is, I believe, 
being felt strongly in all the schools which are in the way 
of putting forward candidates for the Intermediate Certi- 
ficate. It may be urged, and with some force, that qualified 
teachers are not readily found for the higher standard, 
and that till qualified teachers are found, it would be a 
mistake to grant the higher paper. On this argument 
two observations fall to be made. In the first place, the 
argument clearly runs in a vicious circle, for the first step 
towards raising the standard of scholarship in intending 
teachers and others is to grant the higher certificate. You 
cannot have properly qualified teachers without raising 
the standard, and you cannot raise the standard without 
properly qualified teachers. The practical way of dealing 
with the problem is, one would imagine, to grant the higher 
paper now, giving notice that after a certain date a definite 
qualification will be required from the teacher, as in other 
subjects of higher instruction. The second observation is 
that no serious effort or arrangement has so far been made 
towards securing and training a supply of teachers qualified 
to teach Gaelic, either in elementary schools or in Higher 
Grade and Secondary Schools. This is a state of matters 
that surely deserves the serious consideration of the 
authorities. It is causing anxiety to most thoughtful 
people who know the Highlands. 

I have already remarked in passing that Gaelic texts are 
apt to be inaccessible, badly printed and edited and expen- 
sive ; and now I should like to be a little more definite. I 
feel sure that much work, worthy of our most competent 
native scholars, has to be done to remedy this. If we are 
to have a Scottish Gaelic School, it can be formed only by 
working at the subject, and here is work to hand. Let me 
mention some of the things requiring to be done. The 
great corpus of Gaelic poetry contained in John Mackenzie's 
Beauties is out of print and difficult to procure in any 


edition. It is a book which in some form or other is indis- 
pensable. The only question is whether it would be better 
to reprint it on its present plan, or to split it up into several 
volumes, at the same time making the selections fuller 
and excising a few pieces. This would really amount to 
printing a library of the Gaelic poets. In any case the 
print would have to be better, the spelling should be made 
consistent, the introductions re-written, notes historical 
and explanatory added when necessary for the understand- 
ing of the text and the glossary revised. To do this effec- 
tively would require the combined work of several men, but 
it would be worth doing, and in some form or other it must 
be done. 

Secondly, the two volumes of Reliquice Celticce contain 
much valuable material which should be unearthed, and 
dealt with as above. In particular the Gaelic text of the 
Books of Clanranald should be edited separately with all 
necessary apparatus, as a valuable contribution to the 
history of Gaelic Scotland. 

Thirdly, the contents of the Book of the Dean of Lismore 
should also be published separately with transcription into 
the ordinary Gaelic spelling. 

Fourthly, J. F. Campbell's Leabhar na Feinne contains 
about 54,000 lines of heroic poetry. The lays or ballads 
deal with incidents in the life of the heroes, mostly of the 
Fenian cycle, and two or more versions are usually given. 
From a careful collation of the versions given in Leahhar 
na Feinne, in Reliquice Celticce, Gillies' s Collection, other 
collections, and Irish sources, it would be possible to form 
one standard text of each ballad, and produce a book of 
genuine heroic ballads, which would be of the utmost interest 
and value. As it stands, J. F. Campbell's book is almost 
utterly disregarded, owing not only to its scarceness, but 
to the manner in which the texts are presented. It seems 
to me that this is a work that should not be delayed, in the 
interests of students of comparative folk-lore, and, what 
is more important, in the interests of the Gaelic people, 


who are fast forgetting what their older poetry was like. 
The Dorian mode of these fine ballads should prove a 
useful antidote to the plaint and whine and jingle of some 
modern poetry, Gaelic and English. 

These are four pieces of work that seem to me obvious 
and urgent, and worthy the attention of Gaelic scholars 
who possess the necessary leisure. This is far from ex- 
hausting the requirements. The more Gaelic texts we 
have the better, provided that they are edited in a com- 
petent way. 

In Gaelic speech we may still hear the echoes of an 
ancient Continental language, spoken long before the time 
of Caesar. In Scotland, from small beginnings it waxed 
great, till it filled the land and was the language of the 
Scottish kings from Kenneth Mac Alpin to Malcolm Canmore, 
and of by far the greater part of Scotland for many cen- 
turies after his time. It has shown great vitality, and its 
vitality is not exhausted, nor has it lost the charm and the 
romance with which its long history and numerous associa- 
tions have invested it. Here in Scotland it claims respect 
and even affection, not only from Highland but also from 
Lowland Scots, who are after all, in my humble opinion, 
still Celtic to a far greater extent than they are Saxon. 


Irish Witchcraft and Demonology. By St. John D. Seymour, B.D. Dublin : 
Hodges, Figgis & Co., Ltd.; and London: Humphrey Milford, 1913. 
Pp. 256. Price 55. net. 

* Although the volume may furnish little or nothing new to the history 
or psychology of witchcraft in general, yet it may also claim to be an un- 
written chapter in Irish history.' This claim, made by its author, is fully 
substantiated by the book itself, which reveals a condition of things in 
Ireland very similar to that existing in Great Britain, particularly in the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Within its limits, Mr. Seymour's 
book is excellent. But the statement (p. 248) that ' in the foregoing pages 
we have endeavoured to trace the progress of witchcraft in Ireland from its 
first appearance to the present day,' shows how restricted these limits are. 
The earliest instance recorded is that of Dame Alice Kyteler, the Sorceress 


of Kilkenny, in 1324, and it is assumed that there was little witchcraft in 
Ireland before the coming of the Normans, or at any rate of the Scandina- 
vians. Early Irish manuscripts, which teem with witchcraft, do not seem 
to have been consulted at all. There is, for example, the story of Caem6g 
and Cuillenn cennruad and larnan, the three daughters of Conardn mac 
Imideil, a chief of the Tuatha de Danann, whose characteristics at once 
recall the witches of Shakespeare's Macbeth. It is stated that they were 
* full of sorcery ' (Idn do dhraeidecht). Their appearance as they sat beside 
the Cave of Keshcorran, in order to take vengeance of Finn for his hunting, 
is thus described : * Upon three crooked and wry sticks of holly they hung 
as many heathenish bewitched hasps of yarn, which they began to reel off 
left-hand wise in front of the cave,' distaff in hand. By this magic yarn 
they bewitched all the Fianna who came to the cave. Eventually the three 
were slain by GoU mac Morna. Such instances, although legendary, ought 
certainly to be considered under * Irish Witchcraft and Demonology.' 

David MacRitchie. 

Ulster Folklore. By Elizabeth Andrews, F.R.A.I. With Fourteen Illus- 
trations. London: Elliot Stock, 1913. Pp. ix-f 121. Price 5s. net. 

The most striking feature of this book is indicated in the titles of four 
of its eight chapters, viz. 'Fairies and their Dwelling-Places,' * Ulster 
Fairies, Danes, and Pechts,' 'Folklore connected with Ulster raths and 
souterrains,' and 'Traditions of Dwarf Races in Ireland and in Switzerland.' 
It is noteworthy that the most recent researches into the twofold question 
of Ulster souterrains and their builders have been made by ladies. In a 
paper read by Mrs. Mary Hobson of Belfast before the British Association 
at Leicester in 1907, descriptive of these underground retreats, the follow- 
ing statements occur: 'The entrances are small, but the tiny doorways 
between one chamber and another are even of more diminutive dimensions 
— great numbers being too small to admit the average-sized man — a person 
having to lie down flat in order to get through, and even then the width 
will not allow other than the shoulders of a woman or a boy to pass through.' 
An article on the same subject by this lady, published in the Journal of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (January-June, 
1909) adds that the building of these structures 'is nearly always attri- 
buted to the " Danes," the "Fairies," the "Good People," or in rare instances 
to the Picts.' Mrs. Hobson, like most students of this question, is inclined 
to identify these ' Danes ' with the Danaans. 

These facts, then, form the substratum of the main argument which Miss 
Andrews, who is also a resident of Belfast, elaborates in Ulster Folklore. 
Miss Andrews has previously written upon this subject, to which she began 
to give serious consideration as early as in the year 1894. In various 
articles, which have appeared in literary and antiquarian periodicals, her 
views have been set forth j but never with so much fullness as in the volume 



novr before us. Its genesis is thus recorded by the author in her Introduc- 
tion : * In 1894 I was at the meeting of the British Association at Oxford, 
and had the good fortune to hear Professor Julius Kollmann give his paper 
on "Pygmies in Europe," in which he described the skeletons which had 
then recently been discovered near Schaffhausen. As I listened to his 
account of these small people, whose average height was about four and a 
half feet, I recalled the description of Irish fairies given to me by an old 
woman from Gal way, and it appeared to me that our traditional " wee-folk " 
were about the size of these Swiss dwarfs. I determined to collect what 
information I could, and the result is given in the following pages.' Miss 
Andrews finds that 'tradition records several small races in Ulster: the 
Grogachs, who are closely allied to the fairies, and also to the Scottish and 
English Brownies ; the short Danes, whom I am inclined to identify with 
the Tuatha de Danann ; the Pechts, or Picts ; and also the small Finns.' It 
is quite possible, it may be observed, that these several names denote one 
race, remembered under different aspects. 

The great value of the work done by Miss Andrews consists in the fact 
that it is original. The souterrains and the folklore of Ulster have each 
passed under her personal observation. With the conclusions which she 
draws, the present reviewer is substantially in agreement. There exists in 
Ireland, as in Scotland, a class of underground buildings whose dimensions 
show that they were made by a smaller race than the average inhabitants 
of Ireland and Scotland at the present day. How much smaller is a question 
for further inquiry. But these buildings quite corroborate the traditional 
belief that a little people, occupying underground houses, once inhabited 
these islands. David MacRitchie. 

Heraldry in Scotland^ including a Recension of ' The Law and Practice of Heraldry 
in Scotland,^ hy the late George Seton, Advocate. By J. H STEVENSON, 
Advocate, Unicorn Pursuivant. 2 vols. 4to. Vol. I., xxxi-f 200 pp. ; 
Vol. II., xiv4- 1 34 pp. With thirty-eight full-page plates and ninety-eight 
illustrations in the text. Glasgow : James Maclehose and Sons, pub- 
lishers to the University. £4, 4s. net. Edition de Luxe, £10, 10s. 

The most practical tribute to the merits of the late Mr. George Seton's 
Law and Practice of Heraldry in Scotland, and to the attractive nature of 
its contents, is to be found in the price quoted for a generation past in the 
booksellers' catalogues. Since it was published, in 1863, materials for a 
fuller treatment of the subject have accumulated in a remarkable degree, 
and many points of public interest and importance have emerged, urgently 
calling for authoritative treatment. That a new edition in some form ought 
some day to appear was an event foreseen by Mr. Seton, for which indeed 
he made preparation. He communicated his project and his fresh materials 
to Mr. Stevenson, whom he invited * to take the labouring oar as well as all 
the responsibilities in connection with the preparation of what was to be in 



large measure a new work.' In his sub-title the latter indicates the use he 
has made of his predecessor's performance, and while we realise with some- 
thing of a pang that the old friend in whose company so many delightful 
hours were passed is now to be laid aside, it is a consolation to find that 
all that was of permanent interest in a book so long and so deservedly a 
favourite, is to be found in Mr. Stevenson's pages. On that gentleman's 
qualification for the task it is needless to dwell. A genealogical lawyer of 
established repute, he brings to his task a ripe scholarship, a perfect mastery 
of detail, a suitable opinionativeness, a dry and biting wit, and a racy and 
incisive style peculiarly his own. The result is a most valuable addition to 
the literature of the subject. Heraldry invites discursive treatment. There 
is hardly a branch of human interest or sentiment on which it does not 
trench. It is possible here to notice only one or two points of pressing and 
living interest. The first relates to the misuse of the royal arms in 
Scotland. The blazon for the kingdom is, 1st and 4th, Scotland, or, 
a lion rampant within a double tressure flory counterflory gules; 2nd, 
England, gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or; 3rd, Ireland, 
azure, a harp or, stringed argent. There is no doubt about the law upon 
the subject. Prom the reign of Queen Anne down to and including George 
II., the seal used by the monarchs of the United Kingdom, under section 24 
of the Treaty of Union of 1707, in place of the former great seal of Scotland 
displays Scotland in the first and fourth quarters. From the accession of 
George lii. to that of his present Majesty, each monarch on succeeding to 
the throne settled by an act of Privy Council the precedence of the quarter- 
ings as they are to be displayed in Scotland, and that order invariably 
shows Scotland first and fourth. His late Majesty King Edward at an 
early date in his reign ordered the arms so marshalled to be placed on 
Balmoral. It is the duty of tradesmen holding warrants of appointment to 
His Majesty, with authority to use the royal arms, to see to it that those 
arms are properly marshalled ; by the same warrant they are expressly for- 
bidden to fly the royal standard, which ought only to be displayed when 
the King is present, or on his birthday on his castles and palaces. It is 
illegal and presumptuous for private persons to display it. The offence has 
become less common since 16th March 1907, when the Secretary for Scotland 
issued a circular instructing the police to restrain private individuals from 
using the royal standard with the quarterings of the three kingdoms. It 
is of equal importance that the arms when rightfully displayed should be 
properly quartered, and it is nothing less than a glaring defiance of the law 
of the land and of the King's orders in Council that the quarterings of the 
standards on the royal palaces and castles in Scotland, and on the tabards 
of the Lyon King of Arms and of the Scottish heralds and pursuivants 
should give England first and fourth, Scotland second, and Ireland third. 
A common infringement of the law in the present day is the display of the 
Scottish quartering alone, the lion rampart within the double tressure, an 
integral part of the royal arms. On 18th June 1907 the Secretary for 



Scotland issued a second circular stating that the order of the 16th March 
did not apply with equal force to the arms of Scotland when flown alone, 
and that therefore there was no necessity to discourage the display of that 
flag. * According to this, any butcher, baker, or candlestickmaker, English, 
Scottish, or Irish, may fly the three lions of the kings of England, the 
ruddy lion of Scotland, or the harp which the king bears for the kingdom of 
Ireland' (Stevenson, 100). Such an order is as Mr. Stevenson observes a 
direct incitement to break the law of the land. During the late royal 
visit one would have imagined that there were twenty kings of Scotland 
resident in Edinburgh, and that their favourite places of abode were haber- 
dashery establishments and taverns. Why legal proceedings, adds Mr. 
Stevenson, are not instituted against the miscellaneous usurpers of the 
emblems of royalty passes the comprehension of any herald or historical 

The jurisdiction of the Lyon office is another subject now claiming 
attention, and for the benefit of all concerned the law may be shortly stated. 
The Lyon is the exclusive heraldic authority for Scotland, as the Earl 
Marshal is for England, and Ulster King of Arms for Ireland. It follows 
that it is the function of the Lyon Court to issue patents to all the King's 
subjects of Scottish descent resident in Scotland who have not hitherto 
borne arms, and to their male representatives wherever they may reside 
within the British Empire. It is as easy for a man in Canada, Australia, 
New Zealand, Africa, the East or West Indies, who is, in the words of the 
Act of Parliament of 1672, *a virtuous and well-deserving person,' to obtain 
a grant of arms from the Lyon, as it is for a man resident in Scotland or 
England. So long as a man remains a subject of the King, his right to apply 
for a grant of arms is in no way impaired by a residence, however prolonged, 
outwith the British jurisdiction. The procedure is simple. The person 
desiring a grant of arms presents a petition to the Lyon, generally through 
the medium of a herald. The petitioner has usually his own ideas as to the 
arms he desires to bear, and, as Mr. Stevenson observes, such preferences 
are always respected by the court, when no heraldic objection is to be 
urged against them. A few simple explanations generally make the 
position clear, and I do not recall one instance in an experience of thirty 
years in which there was any difficulty in settling the details of a coat. 
The statutory fees for an original patent of arms, exclusive of the charge 
incurred by the patentee to his correspondent, is under .-£48. A cadet, the 
descendant of a family already possessing a coat of arms, receives not a 
patent, but a matriculation. The fees amount to about £16. In a cadet's 
petition each step of descent from the ancestor whose arms, suitably differ- 
enced, he desires to bear, must be set forth, and as the claim must be 
established by proofs, as a rule only to be found in the national records, the 
actual costs of a matriculation frequently exceed those of an original grant. 
It is in the course of establishing such claims that the vicissitudes of 
families come to light. No romances are half so wonderful as those met 


with in actual life. Some time ago I received a letter from a Scots 
merchant resident for many years in one of the South American republics, 
intimating his desire to record arms and stating casually that the tradition 
in his family was that they were descended from King Robert the Bruce. 
Some astonishing claims reach me from time to time, but I had not hitherto 
received one quite so startling, and in asking for details I expressed, I fear, 
little faith in my correspondent's story. A few weeks afterwards I received 
a table of descent, admittedly imperfect, yet sufficiently detailed to induce 
me to undertake an inquiry, with the result that the remoter links in my 
correspondent's ancestry, and incidentally his descent from the Bruce, was 
proved to demonstration. Months after all was settled, and the claim to 
matriculate allowed, 1 discovered, in an East Lothian manse, material which 
would have saved many weeks of search in the public registers. But then, 
who would dream of looking for such evidence in such a place 1 In our 
Scottish practice, when cadetship is established, even by the subject of a 
foreign power, e.g. by a citizen of the United States of North America, the 
Lyon will grant a matriculation, the right of blood being inextinguishable. 
The Lyon may also grant arms to persons not members of armigerous 
families in England or Ireland who have transferred their domicile to 
Scotland, and desire to come under the heraldic jurisdiction of that kingdom. 
Similar powers, of course, are enjoyed by the authorities in England and 
Ireland. But such cases rarely occur. Men frequently change their domi- 
cile ; few care to transfer their heraldic allegiance. The Lyon is unable to 
give a grant to an alien without a royal warrant, confined in practice to 
foreigners who are granted heraldic honours for distinguished public services. 
When, therefore, a subject of a foreign jurisdiction, but of Scottish extraction, 
desires to have a patent of arms, it is necessary to procure the Scottish 
representative of the family to record, when the foreigner may come in as a 

The differencing of cadets is a subject of the first importance in Scotland. 
The permanency of the old families and the closeness of the clan tie is a 
feature in our history which compels attention the moment we enter the 
heraldic field. The late Mr. George Burnett, Lyon King, estimated that in 
the official record of arms in Scotland from 1672, being the date of the 
commencement of the modern register, to 1888, the entries for Campbell, 
Hamilton, Stewart, and Scott comprised about a ninth, and if Murray, 
Douglas, Hay, Graham, Mackenzie, Drummond, Grant, Forbes, Cunningham, 
and Eraser were added, a fourth of the entire register. In such a state of 
affairs an organised system of difference is of vital importance. The bor- 
during system devised by the late Mr. Robert Riddle Stodart, Lyon Cerk 
Depute, elaborated by the present Lyon in his Heraldry in relation to 
Scottish History and Art, may, for all possible demands upon it, be regarded 
as complete. Mr. Stevenson's objection that such a system is not appli- 
cable to coats originally bordured does not strike us as of great force. 
Principal coats with bordures are so few in number that they may be dis- 


regarded in the adoption of a system of great general convenience, even if 
there were not a dozen dififerent methods of differencing open to the herald 
in dealing with the exceptions. As a universal system the bordure in a 
double sense holds the field. In the case of new grants Mr. Stevenson 
questions whether it is proper to grant any portion of an existing coat 
armorial to an applicant because he happens to bear a particular surname. 
It is usual in the case of a new grant to give an indication of the clan to 
which the applicant belongs, and as Mr. Stevenson admits that it is possible 
for heraldic wit to design a coat which, while indicating a family or clan, yet 
leaves the bearer an 'indeterminate distance' from the head of the house, it 
seems better to continue the old practice and retain a generic coat for all of 
a surname. The subject of supporters may be dismissed in a few words. 
Excluding the orders of knighthood there are four classes of persons in 
Scotland entitled to that distinction : peers, heirs-male of persons who had a 
right of barony prior to 1587, chiefs of clans, and, lastly, families who can 
prove usage prior to 1672. Claims are made from time to time by repre- 
sentatives of each of the four classes, and it is certain, notwithstanding the 
view of some authorities, that many of those entitled to the distinction have 
not yet recorded. With our author's views that supporters are inventions 
of the engraver, and that no alteration in them ought to be made without 
the sanction of the heraldic authority, we are not in the least inclined to 
agree. Linlithgow herald may be added to the list of officers whose titles 
suggest more immediate connection with the Crown, and in this connection 
it is permissible to express the hope that the noble edifice fired by Hawley 
and his gallant troopers, and left to lie waste by the criminal negligence of 
subsequent generations, may yet be restored to its pristine glory, and made 
worthy of a monarch's residence. The work is exquisitely printed, it is 
beautifully — even lavishly — illustrated, and I venture to prophesy for it the 
same happy bibliographical fate encountered by Mr. Seton's Law and 
Practice, Andrew Koss, Koss Herald. 

The Voices of Gaelic Genius 

Modern Anglo-Irish Verse. An anthology, selected from the works of living 
Irish poets by Padric Gregory. London : David Nutt. 6s. net. 

In his introduction to this delightful anthology Mr. Gregory explains his 
method of selection. He has included living writers only, and a few are not 
represented for two reasons — (1) because some would not allow him to make 
his own choice from their work, and (2) because others are bound by agree- 
ment with their publishers not to appear in any anthology for a fixed period. 
The editor is thus at once a courageous and unfortunate man. Withal, he 
is an excellent critic and book maker, for he has produced an anthology 
which is at once original and full of variety. He does not range his poets 
in order and print their poems together in the ordinary way, but adopts the 
better method of forming groups of poems of similar character by different 


authors, so that the reader is enabled to feel the cumulative force of Irish 
sentiment and artistic expression in various aspects of life and thought. 

Mr. Gregory does not overrate the English songs of his native land. 
'Though Ireland,' he writes, 'has given to the world the work of many 
men and women since first the English language was forced on our forebears, 
not one of her poets, expressing himself in English, can compare with the 
world's greatest masters ; and the work of but very few can compare favour- 
ably in sublimity of thought, in beauty of expression, or in subtlety of 
craftsmanship with that of the major English poets.' That may be. But 
one cannot help feeling, after perusing this collection, that neither England 
nor Scotland could provide so charming a volume of contemporary verse. 
Modern Irish poetry betrays outside influences ; here we catch an echo of 
the Scottish ballad and there of an English master. But the work performed 
is not merely imitative. The Irish singers strike a distinctive note, and 
if they have felt the influence of others, they are giving much in return 
and especially what is truly Irish. The artificial theme, the insincere pose, 
the love of technique for technique's sake, and other decadent tendencies 
which characterise so much modern English verse, are happily rare in this 
volume. If Irish poetry lacks sublimity, it possesses, to a pronounced degree, 
colour and mood and music. It is not like cold chiselled marble severely 
correct, but resembles rather fruit— blossom and berry — and wildflower, 
which in our hearts we prefer before sculptured images of natural beauty. 
The Irish singer is an impressionist ; he is never concerned much about verbal 
gymnastics ; his voice flutes naturally and bird-like, and his theme is tinc- 
tured with frank, sincere emotion. We feel the mood, because it has really 
been felt by the poet, and the truest art is that which is the most eff'ective 
medium of a mood. Not a few accomplished English poets extinguish mood 
by too sedulous attention to what they call 'form.' 

One can open this volume anywhere and find poetry which is at once 
truly Irish and truly poetic. There is no straining after eff*ect, no weak 
clinging to the themes of the masters who sang in well-kept English gardens 
and on smooth English lawns. Beauty is found everywhere and anywhere. 
Helen Lanyon sings : — 

Over the dim windows a rose is running riot. 
And the weed grows golden on the ragged thatch. 

It is only from Ireland that such a bird song as 'Danny 0' Shane,' by 
the same fresh-voiced lyrist, could have come in these days : — 

When Danny 0' Shane had milked the cows 

An' stabled the ass in the wee ass-byre, 
He would come singing up to the house 

With a creel o' peat to mind the fire. 
An' stoopin' his head to the lintel low 

In the name o' God he would wish me well : 
An' his voice would come ringing rich and low 

An' swing in my heart like a silver bell. 


The poets of Ireland are likely to accomplish a revolution in English 
literature. Here we have new voices and new faces, among others that have 
grown dear to us already, and they are giving the new movement additional 
strength and beauty. It would seem that, in the New Age they are all 
ushering in, the clean bog-scented winds of Gaelic genius will blow out of 
English poetry the cobwebs and dust with which it has become encumbered, 
and, like the winds of Spring, thaw the cold ice which is lying on the 
neglected wells of ancient inspiration. Donald A. Mackenzie. 

Deirdire and the Lay of the Children of Uisne. Orally collected in the Island of 
Barra, and literally translated by Alexander Carmichael, LL.D. 
Paisley : Alexander Gardner ; London : Kenneth Mackenzie ; and 
Dublin : Hodges, Figgis and Co. 3s. 6d. net. 

An ancient theme and 'the touch of a vanished hand.' One lifts this 
volume reverently, thinking of the dead bards, who, generation after genera- 
tion, sang of Deirdire, and of the lately departed lover of the Gael and 
Gaelic literature who rescued what we find here and so much else besides 
from oblivion. Dr. Carmichael was one of our greatest collectors, and was 
also a great translator. Many of his English lines have haunting beauty, and 
all have Biblical simplicity and directness ; they also retain much of the spirit 
of the original Gaelic. The following are examples : — 

His skin was like the foam of streams, 
Like quiet waters was his voice. 

Like the springtide's -violent flood 
Was he in battle at strife of swords. 

Three sons of a king who helped the helpless, 
To-day without speech on the bank of the grave. 

His prose is of equal purity and strength. This version, taken down 
in Barra by Dr. Carmichael, is the only oral version of the great tale which 
has been found, and the late Alfred Nutt, perhaps one of the foremost 
judges of folklore, described it as the best Gaelic folk-tale ever recorded. 
In this new edition of an Anglo-Gaelic classic, in which story and lay are 
given in the two languages, there are additional notes, contributed at 
the collector's request by his son-in-law. Professor W. J. Watson. The 
charming frontispiece is a poetic impression of Deidire by Mr. John Duncan, 
A.RS.A. This volume should be on the shelf of every Celtic student. 

D. A. M'K. 

Irish Literary and Musical Studies. By Alfred Perceval Graves. 
London : Elkin Mathews. 6s. net. 

Father O'Flynn is so well and so long established a classic that not a 
few people imagine its author ' abode his destined hour and went his way ' 


many years ago. Happily, Mr. Graves is still with us. Although he is 
now one of the 'grey poets,' he resembles the inhabitants of the Celtic 
kingdom of the young * where no wasting comes with the wasting of time ' 
when he takes up his pen, which he wields in prose and verse with all his 
old-time vigour and charm. This delightful volume of essays is the harvest 
of about half a century of literary activity. It opens with a chapter of 
reminiscences of Tennyson in Ireland. He shows that the great poet came 
under the spell of Celtic poetry, and was an enthusiastic admirer of 
Macpherson's Ossian. It was due to Mr. Graves' sending him a copy 
of Dr. Joyce's Old Celtic Bomances that Tennyson wrote his 'Voyage of 
Maeldune.' The biographer notes in this connection, 'By this story he 
intended to represent in his own original way the Celtic genius, and he 
wrote the poem with a genuine love of the peculiar exuberance of the 
Irish imagination.' Mr. Graves would have preferred if Tennyson had 
selected for his theme instead ' Oisin in Tir-nan-og.' On the other hand, 
Tennyson was as anxious that Mr. Graves should write a poem on an 
incident in which he himself figured during his Irish visit. Mr. Graves is 
never more attractive as a literary critic than when he writes of men like 
James Clarence Mangan, Sir Samuel Ferguson, William Allingham, Edward 
Bunting, Joseph Sheridan Le Fanu, George Petrie, and Dr. Joyce, all of 
whom are dealt with in this volume. In his study of Celtic Nature Poetry 
he displays noteworthy skill as a translator. His rendering of Finn's song 
contains lines which are remarkably faithful in spirit and manner to the 
original : — 

Dull red the fern ; 
Shapes are shadows ; 

Wild geese mourn 
O'er misty meadows. 

As Dr. Douglas Hyde says of Mr. Graves in another connection, 
* Neither Callanan nor Mangan could have caught the Irish tone and 
conception more truly than this.' When Mr. Graves is at his best it is 
a very high best. The following is from his rendering of ' Columcille's 
Farewell ' :— 

The sound of the wind in the elms, like the strings of 

A harp being played. 
The note of a blackbird that claps with the wings of 

Delight in the glade. 

Of like felicity, too, is his version of the * Lament of the Old Woman of 
Beare,' the beautiful Irish poem based on the legend of the Celtic mother- 
goddess : — 

Isles of the sea, to you 'tis sweet 

Again to greet the flooding brine ; 
After my seventh ebb I know 

Time's joyous flow shall not be mine. 


The smallest place that meets my eyes 

I cannot recognise aright, 
What was in flood with flowing store 

Is all in ebb before my sight. 

Mr. Graves' volume will be welcomed by Celts everywhere, and will 
make appeal also to all students of literature. To those who would like 
to know something of the forces which lie behind the modern Gaelic move- 
ment, it will reveal a dazzling treasure-house of poetic splendour and 
inspiration. The author is a trustworthy and accomplished guide and 
expositor, and the readers whom he introduces to the Celtic ' Otherworld ' 
will associate with their impressions of it the memory of his genial and 
stimulating companionship. D. A. M*K. 

Gille A'Bhuidseir : The Wizard's Gillie and other Tales. Edited and translated 
by J. G. Mackay. London : Saint Catherine Press, Oswaldestre House, 
34 Norfolk Street, Strand, W.C. 25. ^d. net. 

Ten of the unpublished tales collected by the late Mr. J. F. Campbell of 
Islay are here issued for the first time to the public. They are translated 
into clear and concise English, and the original Gaelic is given. One of the 
most interesting of the tales is the ' little historical piece ' about Donald 
Caol Cameron, the cattle lifter. * This Donald Caol used to roam far and 
wide between the cat country, i.e. the country of Mackay, and the most 
northerly part of the shire of Eoss.' On one occasion he set forth with his 
brother-in-law, Donald Ban, towards Assynt, and there secured a few cattle. 
The couple were pursued by twelve men and a captain, and when they were 
crossing a river in the dusk, hanging on to the tails of the swimming cows, 
Donald Ban was killed by an arrow. Donald Caol afterwards discharged an 
arrow against the Assynt captain and slew him, whereupon his followers lost 
courage. * Donald Caol turned him about again, and cutting off Donald Ban's 
head with his dirk, put it in a bag that he had on his back in which he was 
carrying bread. He then went cheerfully off with the cattle, while the 
Assynt men returned home without cattle or captain.' This is a fragment 
of an exceedingly ancient story. 

Herodotus (ii. 121) gives aversion in which the thieves are brothers. 
They robbed the treasury of Pharaoh Rhampsinitus, and one was caught in 
a snare. The other cut off his brother's head, so that it might not be known 
who the robbers were. Pausanias (ix. 37) relates a similar tale regarding 
the treasury of Hyrieus in Orchomenus. The two brothers are Trophonius 
and Agamedes, and the latter is decapitated. There are other European ver- 
sions, as Grimm and Campbell have noted. A Tibetan version has an uncle 
and a nephew. The couple were engaged in housebreaking, and made a 
hole in a wall. Then the uncle thrust his feet in, but was seized by the 
people in the house. To prevent detection, which would have brought ruin 
to the whole family, the nephew cut off the head of his kinsman and escaped 


with it. A similar story is told in India, and a notable incident in it 
appears in the Gaelic tale of ' The shifty Lad ' given by Campbell of Islay 
The ' shifty lad ' cuts off the head of a confederate also, and the king made 
arrangements similar to those credited by Herodotus to the Egyptian monarch 
with purpose to catch the escaped thief. 

Evidently, ' Donald Caol Cameron ' is a fragmentary version of a wide- 
spread tale. It, however, contains an incident which is peculiar to it. 
After Donald cuts off his brother-in-law's head he hears spirits calling from 
the trees. One says, * Donald Caol ! drop the head ! ' and another, * He must 
not drop the head.' It is added, 'Donald could not be certain whether the 
spirit was that of the head that he had on his back, or that of the Assynt 
man into whose breast he had shot the arrow.' Mr. Mackay notes that uruisgs 
and fairies in other tales give similarly conflicting advice to human beings. 
The belief involved apparently connects fairies with the spirit world, and 
further evidence of like character is attained from stories about green ladies 
who are ghosts of some people guilty of some crime, or slain before the 
appointed time. 

All the stories in this volume have features of interest to students of 
comparative folklore and folk-beliefs. There are several illustrations, but 
the Gaelic fairies in these are too small, and some are wrongly given wings. 
In Scotland the * wee folk ' had many forms. Sometimes they had, like the 
*Red Smith,' one arm, one leg, and one eye, but invariably they were in- 
distinguishable from human beings, except in stature and attire. In more 
than one story the fairy is detected when her clothing is grasped, and found 
to be as unsubstantial as that of a ghost. Mr. Mackay's notes are always 
suggestive and illuminative. D. A. Mackenzie. 

The Highland Clearances 

The History of the Highland Clearances. By Alexander Mackenzie. With 
new introduction by Ian MacPherson M.P. Stirling : ^neas Mackay. 
Price 2s. 6d. net. 

Thirty-one years have elapsed since Mr. A. Mackenzie published his book 
on the Clearances. It included Donald MacLeod's ' Gloomy Memories,' the 
first part of which was issued in 1841. In this new edition the ' Memories ' 
are omitted ' out of considerations for space, and because it is proposed to 
print them shortly in separate form.' Variety is given, on the other hand, 
by the inclusion of the defence of the Clearances by Harriet Beecher Stowe, 
author of Uncle 2'om's Cabin, which is followed by Donald MacLeod's reply. 
Another vindication of the evictions is from the pen of Mr. James Loch, 
chief factor of the Sutherlandshire estates. Included here also are extracts 
from Memorabilia Domestica, by the Rev. Donald Sage, whose word-pictures 
of the Clearances are of vivid character. Other writers on the subject 
include General Stewart of Garth and Hugh Miller, and their evidence, with 
the expressions of opinions on the eviction policy by Sir Walter Scott, Dr. 


Alfred Russel Wallace, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, and others, impart to the 
book a considerable degree of historical yalue. The various counties dealt 
with are Sutherland, Ross, Inverness, Argyll, Bute, and Perth. A fresh 
contribution on the Breadalbane evictions is extracted from the recently 
published book of reminiscences by Mr. Duncan Campbell, late editor of the 
Northern Chronicle. This volume is clearly printed on good paper and 
well bound. 


Gaelic Inscriptions 

When the Commissioners on the Forfeited Estates proceeded with their 
various erections in the Highlands, inscriptions commemorative of their 
zeal were incised on bridges, dwelling-houses, etc. The great change in the 
sentiments of those in high quarters with regard to the Gaelic language 
can be discovered in their hearty acceptance in 1770 p] of the following 
Gaelic inscription with English equivalents : — 

' 1. For the Ghurch at Callander : 

Agus rinneadh am Focal 'n a fheoil, agus ghabh se comhnuidh n' ar 

xMeasg-ne (Eoin, i. 14. 1767 Ed.). 
And the Word was made Flesh, and dwelt among us. 

2. For the Prison at Cromarty : 

Chum Dioghaltais air luchd Dheanam an uilc. 
For the punishment of evildoers. 

3. For the Inn at Dalchonzie : 

Aoidheachd a thoirt do choigrich. 
To entertain strangers. 

4. For the Inn at Dalnacardoch : 

Gabhaif Fois car tamuill bhig. 
Rest a little while. 

These inscriptions, which were found among the MS. Forfeited Estates 
Papers, are given exactly as originally written. To them the unknown 
author appends the following note : ' I have put the Erse inscriptions in the 
Roman characters for the benefit of the unlearned Readers.' This is of some 
historical interest as showing that there were still 'learned people who 
could freely use the Old Celtic script. Alexander MacDonald and his son 
Ranald regularly used the old characters. It points out on the other hand 
that to the ' unlearned ' many the old characters were unintelligible. Even 
in Kirke's time that was true ; for it was their inability to benefit by 
Beddell's Bible that urged the good and zealous Kirke to have it printed 
in Roman characters. With the appearance of Kirke's Bible the use of the 
old characters was doomed. D. Maclean. 




1 ■ 


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JUNE 1915 


Rev. Donald Lamont 

Within a certain range Professor Mackinnon was un- 
doubtedly the most learned and accurate Gaelic scholar 
that Scotland has yet produced. His knowledge of Scottish 
Gaelic and of the works of Gaelic writers was unrivalled. 
In almost all departments of Celtic studies his reading was 
extensive and his knowledge sound, but within his own field 
of Scottish Gaehc he had no equal. 

My title to write about him is that I knew him for more 
than twenty years, first, as a student in his classes, and 
afterwards, more intimately. In the class-room his work 
was done with the same carefulness and thoroughness with 
which he did everything that he took in hand, but it was in 
conversation with him in his study that one first became 
aware of the extraordinary extent and variety of his know- 
ledge and the soundness of his understanding. He was a 
good talker, but only in his own study and to congenial 
friends would he open the stores of his ample mind. In 
the general conversation of a mixed company he did not 
shine, being naturally of a shy and retiring disposition, 
and, indeed, he had no love for social gatherings of any 
kind and entered them as rarely as possible. But no man 
could be more accessible and hospitable at his own fireside. 
There he was at his best, and if you had enough interest 

VOL. X. G 


and intelligence to draw him on his own particular subject 
you were sure to be rewarded with an easy flow of genial 
and scholarly talk that was both informative and illuminat- 
ing. He had an orderly mind and a retentive memory 
and the gift of clear exposition, and whatever the subject 
under discussion was, whether a point of Gaelic grammar 
or diction, or a place-name, or anything pertaining to the 
language and literature and history of the Highlands, he 
could always bring up without effort out of his great store 
of knowledge all the facts and other data which were 
relevant to the matter at issue. One has only to read his 
Descriptive Catalogue of Gaelic Manuscripts in the Advocates^ 
Library, Edinburgh, and Elsewhere in Scotland, to see that 
Professor Mackinnon had a background of knowledge such 
as no other scholar, living or dead, possessed within the 
field of Gaelic literature and history and lore covered in 
that book. But although the width and accuracy of his 
knowledge appear in everything he wrote, the full extent of 
his learning was only known to his friends who had the 
privilege of getting the ripe fruits of his scholarship in his 
talk or by letters from him. 

Besides being a master in his own subject his general 
knowledge, particularly of literature and history, was 
sound. Sound rather than extensive is the right word. 
His general reading, though not extensive beyond that of 
the ordinary man of bookish tastes, was well meditated, 
and he had the intellectual habit of reflecting on every- 
thing he read. He had a distinguished career as a student 
in Edinburgh University, obtaining class prizes for Latin, 
Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, Logic, Moral Philosophy, 
English literature, and finishing his career with a First Class 
in Philosophy and the Hamilton Fellowship — one of the 
highest distinctions which the University has to offer. It 
is rather curious that although he specialised in philosophy 
in his student days the subject ceased to attract him in 
later life, and he read scarcely anything in that line. He 
even used to speak of metaphysics as an eternal grind of 


words, being pretty much of the same opinion as the man 
who wittily defined metaphysics as a game in which a bHnd- 
folded person searches in a dark room for a black cat which 
is not there. History, particularly Scottish history, was in 
his latter years his favourite field of study outside his pro- 
fessional work. But in his leisure hours he read a good deal 
of fiction, and no man that I have ever known knew so 
intimately as he did the works of Dickens and Scott. He 
could tell you offhand everything about Jane Dibabs and 
Horatio Peltirogus, and Bapps, and Tinkler, and Bulph, and 
all the other obscure worthies in Dickens. 

Professor Mackinnon stood midway between the older 
race of Gaelic scholars and the modern school, and he com- 
bined in himself the best of both. He had the liberal 
Gaelic culture of the one and the scientific spirit of the 
other. The old race of Highland gentlemen, lay and clerical, 
who kept alive the torch of Gaelic learning deserve better 
treatment than they sometimes receive from their suc- 
cessors. Their work, no doubt, had the defects of their 
age, and the application of scientific methods to Gaelic 
study has resulted in their being superseded as authorities. 
But at the same time, from the point of view of literary 
culture and learning in the best sense, these men were far 
superior to the critics who poke fun or malice at them. If 
they sometimes philologised by the ear and guessed where 
knowledge failed, they at least could read their Gaelic texts 
as Macaulay read his classics, like a gentleman and a man of 
the world. They could put their feet on the fender and 
read Mac Mhaighstir Alastair and Iain Lom without a 
dictionary. They knew the language and could express 
their thoughts in it with ease and freedom ; they knew also 
their own people, their modes of thought, their manners 
and customs, their history, their oral literature, and their 
traditions. And after all, there is surely some value in 
this. More perhaps than in being able to write a tre- 
mendously learned little footnote on a preposition. It is 
possible for a man to have a great deal of interesting and 


useful information on the relative pronoun in Gaelic and yet 
to remain almost illiterate from the standpoint of Gaelic 
literary culture and humane learning. All this leads up to 
what I was going to say about Professor Mackinnon, that 
although the mere grammarians and gerund grinders could 
tell him very little that he did not know before they dis- 
covered it, he had this advantage over them, that he was a 
great Gaelic humanist as well as a scientific grammarian. 
In his scholarship there was nothing that was merely 
pedantic or priggish ; like the man it was broad and sub- 
stantial. He knew the whole field of Gaelic literature with 
a deep and generous intimacy, and he was conversant not 
only with all that was ascertainable about the lives and 
works of Gaelic authors but also with a great mass of un- 
written history and tradition about older workers and 
scholars in the Celtic field, their views, their judgments, 
their obiter dicta, and so on. He had known personally 
many of the older generation of Gaelic scholars, men like 
Dr. M'Lachlan, J. F. Campbell of Islay, W. F. Skene, Dr. 
Cameron of Brodick, Dr. Clerk of Kilmallie, and Sheriff 
Nicolson, and by converse with these, and through them 
with an older generation, he became the repository of a great 
deal of literary and other lore that cannot now be found in 
books. About the time he was appointed to the Celtic 
chair he was engaged in collecting material for a new 
edition of Reid's Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica, That project, 
however, fell through, but although the material for the work 
was afterwards collected by another man who was highly com- 
petent for it, one must regret that Professor Mackinnon did 
not carry out his original plan and incorporate with Reid's 
work the great mass of interesting and relevant informa- 
tion which he possessed on the subject. Still better would 
it have been if he had written a text-book of Gaelic literature, 
historical and critical. His broad and comprehensive know- 
ledge, combined with a cultivated taste and sound literary 
judgment, would have made such a book one of rare merit 
and weight. 



To many people it was a disappointment that he did 
not pubhsh more than he did. But although his printed 
works are not so inconsiderable as many people imagine, 
yet one could wish that he had written more, for there was 
never any danger of his over-writing himself. But one 
knows also the reasons why he was comparatively unprolific 
as an author. He was naturally not the kind of man who 
is the friend of printers and publishers. He was fastidious, 
and carried the art of self-criticism to a degree that made 
him diffident and self-conscious. This may have been a 
fault, but at any rate it originated in a high sense of the 
dignity of scholarship and learning. 

There was nothing in him of what some one has called 
the prowling faculty, a base habit of mind which makes the 
end of study publication and not learning. Professor 
Mackinnon was content to know without its being known 
that he knew. He read and acquired knowledge because 
he wanted to know about a subject which interested him 
and not because he wanted to write a book or an article 
about it. He worked among his books without ulterior 
aims of performance or profit. He had no itch for popular 
applause and studiously kept himself free from the dis- 
tractions and labour of ephemeral composition and hack- 
work into which a man in his position might easily have 
been drawn. 

Apart from a series of articles on the Place-Names of 
Argyll, which he published in the Scotsman, and occasional 
papers in the same newspaper — generally the substance of 
Introductory Lectures which he was in the habit of giving 
to the Celtic Class at the beginning of the session — his 
printed English matter has appeared mainly in the Trans- 
actions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness and in the Celtic 
Review, To the Transactions he contributed two informing 
articles on Gaelic Dialects and the Fernaig Manuscript. 
This collection of Gaelic poetry, which is one of the most 
important texts of older Gaelic, and extends to over four 
thousand lines of poetry on various subjects and by different 


authors, was transcribed in whole by him and transliterated 
and annotated in part. Since then the entire collection 
has been printed in Reliquiw Celticce, vol. ii., two-thirds of 
the transcription which appears there having been done 
by Dr. Cameron of Brodick, and the remainder by the 
editors of his papers. But although the Femaig Collection 
has received a good deal of attention from various hands 
there is still wanting a good modernised and critical text of 
it. But whoever undertakes to supply this want will have 
the advantage of being able to check his own findings by 
the specimens which are available of transliterations done 
by such men as Professor Mackinnon, Dr. Cameron, and Dr. 
George Henderson. 

When the Celtic Review was started in July 1904, Pro- 
fessor Mackinnon' s name appeared on the cover as Con- 
sulting Editor, and while his relation to it was strictly what 
it was described on the cover to be, yet the authority of his 
name, and the large amount of solid matter which he con- 
tributed to it, helped in no small degree to establish this 
quarterly. Almost all his work in old Gaelic was done for 
it, the most important being a text and translation, with 
introduction and notes, of the Glenmasan Manuscript, and 
a text and translation of the Gaelic version of the Thebaid 
of Statins. In the Celtic Review he also printed, with some 
historical and topical notes, some unpublished poems of 
Alexander M'Donald (Mac Mhaighstir Alastair) from MS. 
LXiiT. in the Advocates' Library Collection of Gaelic MSS., of 
which he had given an account some years before in the 
Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness. Other 
articles by him in the Celtic Review dealt with points of 
Gaelic grammar and orthography, such as Aspiration in 
Scottish Gaelic, the Dual number, the Neuter gender, the 
use of accents and apostrophes, and so on. He also wrote 
careful and discriminating notices of some deceased authors 
and scholars, as well as occasional notices of books, the fullest 
among the latter being a review of Dr. Gillies's Place-Names 
of Argyle, a subject on which he had worked long and with 



which he was more than ordinarily competent to deal. 
This particular review gives one an exceedingly good im- 
pression of Professor Mackinnon's manner and habit of 
mind. One could not sit long in his class without learning 
that nothing so quickly upset him as discursiveness, and 
irrelevancy, and the play of fancy where knowledge failed. 
Towards ignorance, however stark and unashamed, he was 
always tolerant, but not towards dilettantism, or pre- 
tentiousness, or the affectation of knowing what one did not 
know. He had an orderly mind himself ; it was simply 
impossible for him to be irrelevant on any theme that he 
spoke or wrote on, and he perhaps set a higher standard in 
this respect than frail student nature is capable of reaching. 
Not the least amusing part of his talk was his reminiscences 
of students that plagued his professorial life by wordiness 
and a facility for writing nonsense, and it was difficult for 
him to modify afterwards his judgment of any one who in 
his class gave irrelevant answers to questions. 

For some years before he was appointed to the Celtic 
Chair he did a good deal of work for the Gael, particularly 
a series of articles in Gaelic on the subject of Gaelic Proverbs, 
and another series on various phases of Gaelic literature. 
I think I can recognise his hand also in other articles of a 
slighter nature that are to be found in the same periodical, 
both English and Gaelic. These critical articles written in 
Gaelic are of high merit, both in their manner and in their 
matter. The great merit of his prose style is the ease with 
which he could express in idiomatic Gaelic ideas and modes 
of thought that were not familiar to the Gaelic world. He 
often said to the present writer that it was as easy for him 
to express his thoughts on any subject in Gaelic as in 
English. Reading these papers it is remarkable to observe 
how little the orthographical rules which he followed at 
that early date differed from the settled conclusions of his 
later years. In the matter of orthography there is pro- 
bably more eccentricity and lack of uniformity among the 
hierarchy of Gaelic scholarship as well as among the general 


ruck of Gaelic writers than in any other matter. But here 
as in everything else Professor Mackinnon was eminently 
sane. He advised all Gaelic writers to master the present 
standard of orthography before they began to print. 
That standard, no doubt, has its faults but in any case 
there it is, framed hundreds of years ago, handed down by 
the older scholars, and in the main adhered to in the 
Scriptures and by the better class of writers. If writers 
would only adhere to the orthography of the Revised 
Gaelic Scriptures, avoid localisms and the elision of letters as 
far as possible, and keep beside them MacBain's Dictionary 
to keep them right on doubtful forms, they would not go 
far wrong. 

Among the impublished papers of Professor M'Kinnon 
there is a great deal of lexicographical material. He col- 
lected this assiduously ever since he began to teach in the 
University. Students from all parts of the Highlands came 
into his classes, so that he had peculiar opportunities for 
collecting such material. He was always on the hunt for 
it, and whenever a student furnished him with some rare 
word, or rare use of a word, down it went at once into his 
notebook, and from there was transferred into his inter- 
leaved copy of the Highland Society^ s Dictionary, I always 
understood from him that the History of Argyle and the 
Isles which he undertook to do was in a forward state of 
preparation ; indeed, that it was finished except one 
chapter, but that one the most difficult to write. 

In private life Professor Mackinnon was the most hospit- 
able and genial of men. He liked to have his friends coming 
to see him for talk and a game of whist. You had very 
little chance of winning the rubber against him, but that did 
not matter. You had the talk and that was always the best 
of it. He had a very keen sense of humour and could say 
the funniest things in what was apparently a grim and 
serious vein ; also, he could size up a person's character in a 
moment. With mere bores, especially if they had a griev- 
ance against the Halls of Learning, lie was not particularly 


patient, but who can ever forget his patience with other odd 
characters who used to find their way to him or forget the 
droll reflections which he was wont to utter in their hearing ? 
I never knew a man less fussy or less desirous of having his 
finger in every pie ; he had a natural bent towards leisurely 
reflection and contemplative repose, and shrank with horror 
from public appearances and speech-making. The Gaelic 
world did not always understand this side of him. No move- 
ment to advance the cause of the language or the people of 
the Highlands ever failed to elicit his sympathy and support, 
but he preferred to give these in other ways than by appear- 
ing on a platform. He was not a ready speaker and con- 
stitutionally was unfitted for public propaganda. But he 
was a true patriot, manly and honest and independent. 
Nothing so quickly roused him as the sneers of outsiders at 
our people and their tongue, except perhaps the spectacle 
of vain-glorious people of various sorts exploiting his 
countrymen and their language for their own advantage and 

Equal to his great knowledge was his modesty. He was 
the most unassuming and unaffected of men, entirely free 
from vanity about his own work and accomplishments and 
free also from jealousy of other workers. He was simple in 
all his tastes and habits, generous and kind. Swagger, 
whether social or intellectual, was abhorrent to him. No- 
body could doubt his sagacity or his wisdom, and one always 
felt that one's thoughts were clarified and decision became 
easier if one had talked things over with Professor Mackinnon. 

Taken all in all he was our biggest man in the Gaelic 
world, although he knew it not. 



Professor Mackinnon 

(Continued from "page 39) 


Dala imorro ^ rian Grec.^ Ro chomergedar reompo can 
suan ^ can sadaili ^ illo nan ^ aidchi ; 7 ger ua imda derb- 
airdeda ® doirrthi "^ 7 figrad ® fir-uilc doib ni ro ® thoirmisc 
iad, 7 fa ^^ moidi fich fergi na fir-laech gach celmaine con- 
dtrachta da chuiread daib no go rangadar co sruth sir-alaind 
srib-uaine Assopus, i tir na Tiauannda. Ro ansat-sam gan ^^ 
dnl tairisin ^^ fochetoir, uair ba h-adbnl a thnili 7 a thondgar 
in t-srotha in n-uair sin/^ ar cur breachta druad do Baich 
fair .t. do dea ^* in n-ina.^^ Is and sin tanic Ipomedon 
feochoir fergach 7 ro gres a eochu is in n-ath res na sluagaib 
7 ^® ro raid riu : ^^ 'Is metacht 7 is midlochus daib ^' a 
fhiru,' ar se,^"^ 'gan dul dar in sruth, 7 ni bud^^ maith do 
thogail na Tebi tren-armaigi ^^ a triall amlaid sin. Ro 
ergedar-sim ^® co dian denmnedach la sin n-gresacht sin 7 da 
chuadar dar in sruth no co rangadar co tulaich talb-alaind 
taitnemaich. Acus ro chidi-sium ^^ uathib as in tulaig sin 
tigi arda airegda 22 7 f aicheda ^^ fonn-glasa fir-aiUi na Tebi 

Ro gabsad leo-sum and sin longport lethan lan-adbal 7 
robadar and re h-ead na h-aidchi sin. Ua doihg tra a fhis 7 
h-aisnes crilh 7 comegla, sestan 7 sir-sibul na Tiauannda is 
in aidchi sin, o t' chondcadar pupaill alad-breca (f)airsingi 7 
airm saiti sesmacha gaiscedach n-Grec re doirrsib a m-brec 

^ Eg. omits. 

2 Eg. adds don. 

^ t-suan. 

* t-sadailecht. 

^ no an. 

® derbeda. 

^ doirrchi. 

8 fidhrad. 

9 nir. 

JO fo. 

" Eg. adds a. 

12 tairis sin. 

^3 Eg. omits. 

»< dee. 

15 fina. 

16-16 a firu, ar se. 

"-17 Eg. omits. 

18 ba 

1^ calma. 

20 Eg. omits-sim. 

^1 chidis. 

22 aireda 

23 Eg. adds dath. 



Now as to the Greeks. They marched forward without 
sleep or repose by day or by night. And although the tokens 
of danger and indications of great disaster were many, these 
did not restrain them. The fury of the great heroes was 
raised aU the more by every unfavourable premonition 
they met with. At length they reached the ever-beautiful, 
green, flowing river Asopus in the land of Thebes. They 
delayed crossing the river at once, for it was in great flood 
and its waves roared through the wizard spells which 
Bacchus the god of wine had thrown upon it. Then the 
fiery, wrathful Hippomedon went forward and in front of 
the hosts urged his horses into the ford and said to the 
troops : ' Faint hearted and cowardly you must be,' said 
he, ' not to cross this stream ; nor does such a march augur 
well for the taking of strongly armed Thebes.' Thus 
stimulated they went forward quickly, vehemently, crossed 
the river, and arrived at a bright, beautiful knoll. From 
that knoll in the distance they saw the high and stately 
mansions and the green, truly beautiful lawns of glorious 
Thebes. They made a very large, spacious camp there and 
rested during that night. 

Now it would be hard to appreciate and to relate the 
trembling and prevailing fear, the commotion and unrest 
which seized the Thebans that night on beholding the 
spacious, variegated tents and the banners of the 
Greeks as they were firmly and strongly planted at the 
doors of their speckled tents after they encamped there. 



pupall ar n-gabail a longport doib R. bui tra do met a n-ecla 
na ^ ba tairisi leo din na daingen da roibi accu is ^ in aidci 
sin. Cid tra acht ro scailed badba buaidirthi bel-derga 7 
demna aduathmara ifirn ua^ cheachtar in da sluag is* in 
n-aidchi sin do commorad uilc 7 anindi^ chaith^ dib re 
FoL 16b 2. chele. O ra ergedar tra ' renna ro-glana ro-ailli in lae ar na 
marach ro erig lochasta in rigan laim-gel^ gruad-solus a. 
mathair Ethiocles rig na Tebi 7 Polinices fhir thogla na 
cathrach 7 a da h-ingin maraen ria .1. Ismine 7 Antigone. 
Ba foraesta forbthi am in rigan thanic ann sin. Acus o ra 
siacht ar lar medon in longpuirt tuc a f aidi f ergacha fir-guil 
OS aird 7 ro raid : ' A rigraig Grec,' ar si, ' c'ait a fuil ^ mo 
mac-sa i trasta and so .t. Polinices. O t' chualaich imorro 
in gilla a baith-si 'g a iarraid amlaid sin, tanic da h-ind- 
saigid, 7 ro bui 'g ^^ a cendsugud do briathraib suarca sith- 
amla.i^ Ro recair si do-sum, 7 is ed ro raid ris : 'A mhic,' 
ar si, ' is ead is maith lim sith suthain do bith etrud ^^-su 
7 do brathair, 7 fiarchairi ^^ chairdisa re Tiauandaib. Acus 
tair lim-sa a nund is in Teib 7 dena sith ^^ re t' brathair 7 
cuindig ^^ rigi da deoin air. Acus muna thuca dit ^^ is coraidi 
dit cathugud ^'^ croda 'n a agaid.' 

Tanic tra cridi ^^ na n-Grec ^^ co mor and sin ar lochasta 
amal ro bui ac eterdeligud a mic o'n chathugud Tiauanda. 
Ro triall tra Polinices dul le-si is in baili. Acus nir thair- 
misc Adraist imi a dul ^^ cein co tanic Tit mac Genius ^^ 7 
CO n-ebairt : ' Na dentar in sid,' ar se, ' no co tarar-sa ^^ ar 
na Tiauandib crechta mo chnis 7 mo chuirp.' Acus ro 
thocaib a crechta 7 a ilgona ^3 do na sluagaib and sin. Ro 
thairmisc tra in seel sin fa Polinices dol is in cathraig 7 gan 
sid r'a brathair. Acus ^^ ro linsad ^^ na Greic ^^ uili o feargaib 
gle mor 26 garba ris na Tiauandaib ^^ o d' chonncadar crechta 
7 ilgona Thid.28 

^ nar. 

2 Eg. omits. 

3 fa. * ainmine. ^ caich. 

® Eg. omits. 

^ gal-lamach. 

8 ina bfuil. ^ gg. omits. " Eg. adds 7. 

" adrat-sa. 

^^ fialchairi. 

'3 Sigh re do. ^* cuinchidh. ^^ Eg. addisi. 

16 klig. 

1^ craidhedha. 

^^ GTec&idh. ^^ Eg. adds ann sin. 

^ Ainiusa. 

21 tarrusa. 

22 gona. 23 Eg. omits. 24 Hnastar. 

2° Grecidh. 

2<5 mora. 

27 briathraib sin Tit. 28 Eg. omits. 



Such terror took hold of them that in that night they re- 
garded no fort or strength of theirs a safe defence for them. 
Howbeit the dangerous, red-lipped furies, and the horrid 
demons of hell went among both peoples that night to 
create mischief and to increase the hatred of each against 
the other. 

Now when the very bright and beautiful day-stars arose 
on the morrow, locasta, the white-handed, bright-faced 
queen, mother of Etiocles king of Thebes and of Polinices 
invader of the city, rose up accompanied by her two 
daughters Ismene and Antigone. Of mature age and full 
vigour in sooth was the queen at that time. When she 
reached the very centre of the camp, she proclaimed her 
angry very sorrowful message aloud : ' Princes of Greece,' 
said she, ' where is my son Polinices who is with you, at 
this moment.' When the youth heard that she was asking 
for him by name, he approached her and took to soothing 
her in pleasant and gentle language. She made answer to 
him and spoke thus : ' Son,' said she, ' my great desire is 
that there should be perennial peace between you and your 
brother and bonds of friendship with the Thebans. Come 
with me over to Thebes, and make peace with your brother, 
and ask him to surrender the kingdom to you of his own 
free will. If he will not do so you will have a stronger case 
for waging bloody war against him.' The Greeks greatly 
sympathised with locaste as she was endeavouring to 
prevent her sons from engaging in the Theban war. 
Polinices then made up his mind to accompany her to the 
city, and Adrastus was not opposed to the project, until 
Tydeus son of Oenius came forward and said : ' Do not 
conclude peace,' said he, ' until I avenge on the Thebans 
the wounds of my skin and body.' And he showed his 
hurts and many wounds to the hosts. That incident effec- 
tually prevented Polinices from going to the city and making 
peace with his brother. And all the Greeks were filled with 
great fierce wrath against the Thebans when they saw the 
hurts and many wounds of Thebes. 


Is i sin aes 7 uair tangadar a mach na tigri ro bitis ac 
imarchur charbaid Baich mic loib d'ol uisci co srothaib 
fir-uara ^ fir-glana na Tebi. In am ^ do chuadar dorala 
doib ara ^ Ampiamraus in t-(s)acairt moir Grecaig 7 se ac 
lecun usci da echaib. Ro lingestar ^ air na tigri diana 
dasachtacha fo chetoir .t. cenela anmidead erchoidecha 
marbas cethra 7 daine na tigri. Acus^ ro marbsad fo 
chetoir in t-ara 7 na h-eochu. Acus ro marbsad dano^ 
dias aili do Grecaib .c. Idas 7 Athamant.*^ Et® as aithli sin 
do chondairc Acondteus Arcadecda na tigri .t. taiseach 
mor-thuaithi do luchd na h-Arcaidi (7 is 'na fherand ata in 
cloch bis ar lassad tre bithu .t. fifist^ a h-ainm) a h-aithli 
Fol. I7ai. na n-echt sin do denam daib, 7 ^^ ro dibraic da ^^ saigid an 
diaid aroili da n-indsaigi co ro tregdastair a craideda 7 co 
rucoad na saigti leo is in m-baile 7 conid thall fuaradar bas. 
Ba trom ^^ y ba ^^ torrsech re ^^ Tiauandaib in gnim sin ; 7 
ro erig a mach fer do muntir Baich dan digail .t.^^ Flegius 
a ainm, 7 ro siacht cen fhis no co n-tuc bem claideb do Acon- 
tdeus CO torchair marb cen anmain. Ro ergadar imorro na 
h-Arcaidi da digail sin, 7 ni riacht leo, uair ranic ^^ Flegius 
imslan is in chathraig ar n-digail enig Baich a muich. 

A-haithli in gnima sin imorro ro (f)as seastan 7 seselb 
adbul mor il-longport lan-lethan ^^ na n-Grec,^' 7 ^^ ro raid 
Tit mac Genius re h-Iochasta 7 re h-ingenaib, ' Denaid im- 
thecht,' ar se, ' 7 ni berthai sid no (f )osud ^^ don cur-sa.' Ro 
imthig 20 lochasta co dubach do-menmach ar sin, ar femed 
sida iter a macaib. 

Ro erig imorro Tid^^ croda coscoroch Galidonda mac 
Genius 7 ro gab a armu 7 ro comgres a munter 7 slog na 
n-Grec 22 ar chena. Do rindead tra and sin comergi croda 
23 curita 7 sithanchar ^3 tindisnach cur' ua cumascda com- 
buaidirthi itir chairpthib 7 curadaib in longpuirt is in n-uair 

* fuardha. 

2 Acus in 1 


^ aru. * linustar. 

^ Eg. omits. 

« MS. I. 

7 Eg. adds 

an-anmanna. ^ Eg. omits. 

9 tisfist. 

10 Eg. omits. 

" do. 

12-12 Eg^ omits. 

^3 la. 

1* Eg. omits. 

1^ ro imig. 

16 lethna. ^^ Grecach. 

18 Eg. omits. 

19 fosadh lib. 

20 imidh. 

21 Eg. adds mac Ainiusa in 


22 Grecidh. 

23-23 carut ri talcar. 


It was at that time and hour that the tigers which drove 
the chariot of Bacchus went forth to the very cool, very 
limpid streams of Thebes, to drink water. As they did so 
the charioteer of Amphiaraus the great Greek priest met 
them as he was watering his horses. The furious, mad 
tigers instantly sprang upon the man — a species of dangerous 
animals that kill beasts and men are the tigers — and in a 
moment killed the charioteer and the horses: they also 
killed two other Greeks, Idas and Acamas. Then Aconteus 
the Arcadian saw the tigers, after they had done these 
slaughters — chief of a large tribe of Arcadians was he, and 
it is in his lands that the stone named is which 

flames on for ever. He shot two arrows in succession at 
them which pierced their hearts. They carried the arrows 
in their bodies into the city where they died. The deed 
was a cause of sorrow and grief to the Thebans. Phegeus 
one of Bacchus' s followers went forth to avenge them. He 
reached the camp secretly and gave a sword blow to Aconteus 
who fell dead lifeless. Then the Arcadians rose up to avenge 
that slaughter, but in vain, for Phegeus got back to the 
city without a wound after avenging the insult to Bacchus 

Now after these exploits there arose very great com- 
motion in the spacious camp of the Greeks. Tydeus son of 
Genius said to locaste and to her daughters : ' Depart,' 
said he, ' for there will be neither peace nor truce on this 
occasion.' locaste thereupon departed sadly despondently, 
having failed to make peace between her sons. Then rose 
the valorous, victorious Tydeus of Calydon son of Genius 
and seized his weapons and incited his people and the hosts 
of Greece generally. Then there was made a brave and 
heroic uprising and a hasty, hostile rush, so that the camp 
at the time presented a scene of tumult and great confu- 
sion between chariots and champions. Such was the vehe- 
mence of their movement neither the loud war trumpets 
nor the brave, silken banners were allowed to precede them ; 
but the ardent multitudes of common soldiers and their 



sin. Acus ro bui da deni ro ergedar co n-ar leced ^ tosach 
na toisigecht da stocaib croda cathaigthi na da mergedaib 
suarca ^ srollaigi, acht a n-dirmanda diana daescur(s)luaig 
7 a n-geraiti gaiscecZ ac imchosnum gliad 7 ag iarraid irgaili 
do chum na Tiauanda. Ro ergedar imorro da frestal 7 
da frithealam tren-fher tenda tairgsenacha talchara na 
Tebi. Acus ro gab gach triath dib 7 gach tigerna dib ac 
gresacht 7 ac nertad ^ a mor munter.^ 

Is and sin tra ^ ro tren-indsaich each aroile dib co ma ^ 
samalta gredon 7 glor bresmaidm nam buiden m-bodba 
m-buaidirthi sin a comrith ri aroili amal bad i ind (fh)idbad 
brec braenach billeach barrglas ro thuited "^ i ladraib glac 7 
il-lamaib aroili^ ri gaidsnim na gaithi garb fuairi gemreta, 
no mar bad h-e in la bratha brig-urdruirc brec-(dh)uileach 
tisad do smur-chaicilt in betha. Acus ro bris each airech 7 
gach airdri bernd ^ re na buidin i cath aroili an uair sin. 

Acus mar da ^° badar is in comfheidm eatha sin na sluaig 
ceachtarda is and sin ro fuataig ^^ a each rot ^^ ro mer tren-f er 
do Tiauandaib le i cath na n-Grec ^^ .t. Tenelas.^* Acus ro 
frithail Tid mac Genius ^^ h-e, 7 tuc fuirmed fedma co setrech 
sirchalma do gae ro bui 'na laim air, cor' ua bir bodba tre 
n-a chorp don churaid, 7 ro uc a ech a ris ar cula e cor' 
apand ^^ ro thoit gan anmain iter na Tiauandaib. Ro tren- 
indsaig tra na catha croda araili ar toitim an (fh)ir sin co 
FoLi7a2. fergach fir-amnas. Acus ^"^ ro dluthaiged in chath-irgal 
comrumach cor' ba dluithitir re cleith lenad ^^ ar n-a lan- 
dluchug 1^ in lini ^^ sleg semnech sith-fhata ro suigideg a 
sleasaib suarca saer-cland so-cheneloch and sin is in tres 
tren-adbul sin ro curestar. Cid tra acht ro dithaigit dronga 
de sin, 7 ro mael ^^-tamnaigit meidi,^^ 7 ro banaid gnuisi, 7 ro 
ruamnaigit roisc, 7 ro claeit ^^ cetfada curad ^^ a comthoitim.^* 

Acus ar sin do rala in cath ina comracaib. Ro comraic 
and Ipomedon ard allata do Grecaib 7 Fiuaris sir-uallach 

^ leciud. 2 suaichinta. ^ nertugud. * muntire. ^ Eg. omits. 

^ mad. ^ thuitfed. ^ reroili. ^ barann. ^° do. 

11 fhuadaigh. ^^ ^od. i' Grecaidh. " Terelas. ^^ Oeniusa. 

i«^ opann. ^^ Eg. omits. ^^ lemad. i' dluth. 20 li^e. 

'-•^ Eg. omits. 2^ mededha. 23 claidhit. '^* ~ 2* don comeirge 7 don comtoitim. 


champions of valour were contending for the fray and seek- 
ing for the foremost place in the fight with the Thebans. 

On the other hand there went forth to meet and en- 
counter them the mighty men of Thebes, firm, aggressive, 
and stem. Each prince and lord incited and encouraged 
his numerous followers. Either side furiously attacked 
the other. Such was the roar and loud crash with which 
the two wild, furious troops contended with each other that 
it seemed as if the speckled, dewy, branchy, green-topped 
wood had fallen into the cleft-grips and hands of each other 
through the withe-twisting of a rough, cold winter blast, or 
as if the day of doom had had to lay the world in ashes. 

Each noble and high king made a breach in the ranks of the 
troops opposing him on that day, and hosts on both sides 
were slain in that strong and mutual attack. 

Then a mighty Theban, Pterclas to name, drove his 
mettlesome, very spirited horse into a battalion of the 
Greeks. Tydeus son of Oenius met him and strongly, very 
valiantly, he made an effective thrust with a spear he held 
in his hand, so that the terrible point went through the 
body of the champion. His horse bore him back again 
and he suddenly fell lifeless among the Thebans. The 
other brave battalions on the fall of that man attacked 
each other mightily, angrily, very fiercely. The contend- 
ing combatants now approached nearer so that closer than 
the beams of a field hurdle at their narrowest were the 
numbers of polished, long-pointed spears planted in the 
gallant sides of well-born freemen in that powerful, mighty, 
terrible fight which was fought there. Whence it was that 
companies were extinguished, and necks of champions 
hacked off, and faces made pale, and eyes made red, and 
senses paralysed as they fell together. 

Thereafter the battle became a series of duels. The 
noble, renowned Greek Hippomedon and the ever-gallant 
Theban Sybaris fought with the result that Sybaris feU by 
the hand of the Greek. Thereafter two powerful Thebans, 
Pylius and Periphas, fought against one Grecian hero, 

VOL. X. H 



do Tiauandaib 7 i forcindiud in comraic sin da rochair 
Fiuaris ann do laim in Grecaig. Ro comraicsedar as 
ahaithli sin da tren fer do Tiauandaib .1. Pilius 7 Perefans 
re h-en gaiscedaig do Grecaib ^ a. Menceius.^ Acus do 
thoitsed na ^ Tiauanda don tachnr sin, 7 rue Meneeius ^ a 
coscor 7 a comaidem. Acus ^ do rigne ^ Partapeus ri na 
h-Arcaide ar sin echta ar na Tiauandaib 7 ro thoit ^ in 
triur-sa dib les .t. Ithis 7 Sibaris^ 7 Perafans.' Do thoit 
Cunesius gaiscedach do Grecaib re h-Emon echtach mac 
Creoin do Tiauandaib, 7 ac toitim do ro gab Abas do Tiauan- 
daib airm inn fhir,^ 7 ro focair comruc da eis, 7 tarlaic fer 
do Grecaib saigit do co-rus-facaib gan anmain. 

Ro erig ar sin sacart do muntir Baich .t. Euneius 7 ^ a 
edach delradach dath-alaind imi, as an-denad idbarta do 
Baich, 7 tuc tairisem 7 tarcaisi ^^ mor ar na Grecaib uili, 7 
is ed ro raid : ' Na cuirig ^^ ris na Tiauandaib, a Grecu,' ar 
se, 'uair is croda a curaid, 7 is cumachta^^ a n-dei 7 is 
daingin mur a nior ^^-cathrach.' Acus ^^ o d' chualaig imorro 
in ri^^ lond mar gaisced^^ mer do Grecaib .1. Capaneus ro 
(f)rithail h-e, 7 tanic ar cind conairi do inna stuaig agmair 
aduathmair, 7 ro bocc bertaich ^^ in sleig rind-ger ro fada, 
CO crund caem comdiriuch do fid ^^ chuanda cuibrisc ^^ indti, 
7 ro raid : ' Is ^^ batra ^^ banda,' ar se, ' na briathra bocasaich 
raidi ris na slogaib, 7 dursan nach e in dei da n-adrad ita 
id richt a drasta, uair da madh e ro faethsad lim-sa.' Acus ^^ 
cuma ro raid-seom sin 7 tuc urchar n-indill ^^ diruch do chum 
Euneius, co ro scailt^^ a sciath, 7 co ro bris a druim, co 
riacht a ^^ marb do chum talman ua chetoir. 

Is and sin ro fhopair Ethiocles, ri na Tiabandaib, ara 7 
il-echta aidbli ar gasradaib Grec co ma dronga dian-marba 
les iad each conair ina teged. Polinices imorro tuc sec 
accarda ^^ 7 anucul do na Tiabandaib ar in fialchairi ^^ 
m-bunaid 7 ar grad na h-atharrda diUsi ^^ duthaig. 

» Grec. 

2 Meneceus. 

^ Eg. omits. 

4 roigne. 

^ thoitsit. 

^ Siuaris. 

7 Perafas. 

^ Eg, adds sin. 

^ con. 

1° tarcusne. 

^^ cuiridh. 

^^ cumachtach. 

13 Eg. omits. 

1* Eg. omits. 

15 la^ch. 

^^ gaiscedach. 

1^ gabh. 

18 don fhid. 

1^ caprisc. 

20-20 baeth. 

21 Eg. adds is. 

22 fneill. 

23 scoilt. 

2* Eg. omits. 

^ accarra. 

2^ fialcoiri. 

27 disle. 





Menoeceus. The Thebans fell in the encounter, and Menoe- 
ceus celebrated his victory and triumph. Parthenopaeus 
King of Arcadia made slaughter among the Thebans and 
these three fell by his hand, Itys and Sybaris and Periphas. 
Caeneus a Grecian hero fell by the hands of the mighty 
Theban, Haemon son of Creon. And as the Greek fell 
Abas a Theban took his arms and challenged to combat 
his friends, whereupon a Greek let fly an arrow at him which 
left him lifeless. 

Then rose Eunaeus, a priest of Bacchus, robed in the 
brilliant, beautifully coloured dress in which he was wont to 
offer sacrifices to Bacchus. He heaped great reproaches and 
affronts on all the Greeks and spoke thus : ' Do not fight 
against the Thebans, Greeks,' said he, 'for their champions 
are brave, and their gods are powerful, and the ramparts of 
their chief city are strong.' When the fierce-active, heroic- 
active Grecian King Capaneus heard this, he stepped forward 
and encoimtered him on his path, with his warlike, terrible 
mien. He handled the sharp-pointed, very long spear with 
its polished, very straight shaft of beautiful cypress wood 
and said : ' Womanly in sooth,' said he, ' are the boastful 
words you have addressed to the hosts ! Pity it is that the 
god whom you worship does not stand in your place at this 
moment, for if he did he would fall by my hand ! ' As he 
spoke thus, he made a well-aimed, straight cast at Eunaeus, 
which clove his shield and broke his back and hurled him 
forthwith to the ground a dead man. 

Thereupon Etiocles King of Thebes inflicted slaughters 
and many violent cruelties on the Grecian troops, so that 
one saw heaps of men stark dead on every path over which 
he rode. Polinices on the other hand dealt humanely 
with the Thebans and gave them quarter because of his 
blood kinship with them and his love for his dear native 






Douglas Hyde, LL.D. 


I MADE acquaintance with the following story, which so fai 
as I know has never been noticed before, in a rather curious 
way. Dr. Nicholas O'Donnell, of Melbourne, an Australian 
born and bred, but a good Irish scholar, picked up some 
years ago a not very aged Irish MS. in Australia, and kindly 
sent me a list of its contents. Among other pieces which it 
contained was ' Eachtra Leithin.' I told him I had not 
met this story before, and he then and there very kindly 
made me a transcript of it. I have carefully compared this 
Australian text with four other copies of this story preserved 
in the Royal Irish Academy, but I find no virtual difference 
between them. The oldest copy of the four is by the well- 
known southern scribe, Michael ()g Longan, and was 
written in 1788.^ I do not know what MS. he copied from, 
but in the Australian copy, while the text is practically the 
same, there is an evident desire on the part of the scribe to 
keep the story as antique-looking as might be compatible 
with intelligibility. Hence he appears to prefer to write 
a long e for ea, as denamh for deanamh, and nd for nn, as 
lind for linn, etc. The text of the prose as it now stands 
has been very much modernised. The story, however, in 
its main features is of considerable antiquity. It is, so far 
as I know, imique in that it gives us a peep at a whole cycle 
of bird and beast lore stories now apparently almost lost, 
but which must have, I think, at one time existed. That 

1 23.9.20. The other MSS. (not yet catalogued) are E. V. 5 by Paul Longdin, 
written in 1810, 23, P. 18, le William o hogdin as leabhar Eamon ui Mhathghamhna ar 
na ndidh sgriobha as leabhar Mhichil dig ui Longain, air na sgriobha an 8°^ Id don mhi 
dd nguirthar Tisri ; aois criost mdcccxxv. 24 A. 3 written by Seumas Suilliobhain 
in 1847 (?). 



this was the case is fairly evident from the long Middle 
Irish poem of 464 lines ^ preserved in the MS. Egerton 1782 
and in the Book of Fermoy : a colloquy between Fintan and 
the Hawk or Crow of Achill, in which allusion is made to 
this very story, to the eating of Leithin's two birds, as well 
as to the death of Blackfoot, the stag who figures here, and 
of the blackbird, while the whole story of GoU the salmon 
is told, much as it is told here, and of the crow who robbed 
him of his eye, the same crow who ate Leithin's birds. That 
the present text of our story though modernised was, in part 
at least, taken from older MSS. seems likely. The piece, 
for instance, about Fintan Mac Laimhfhiadhach and the 
various shanachies whom God permitted to remain alive to 
keep account of the genealogies of the world, is found in 
different words in Leabhar na h-Uidre {cir. 1100). Again 
the reading of Cluain Feasda, the place to which St. 
Bearchan is assigned (which in the Australian MS. is still 
further corrupted to Cluain Fearta), has evidently come 
from the misreading of some former scribe, who had mis- 
taken an S for an F.^ For Cluain Sosta was St. Bear- 
chan's district. He was a renowned saint and prophet, of 
whom many stories were told. 

But perhaps the best proof of the antiquity of the story 
in its main features is that I have found it told in Connacht 
as a folk-tale, without any mention of Fintan and his monks, 
and only as a comparison of ages between the Crow of Achill, 
the great eagle, the blind trout (not salmon) of Assaroe, and 
the well-known Hag of Beare. In the folk-tale as told a 
few years ago by a native of Maltpool, Co. Mayo, the storm 
and cold which gave rise to the curiosity of the Crow, and 
its subsequent visits to the other animals, and the loss of the 
trout's eye, are told pretty much as in our text. I imagine 
that St. Ciaran and his monks were brought into the tale by 
some mediaeval writer who desired the protection of the 

^ See Anecdota from Irish MSS., vol. i. p. 24, where the text is printed without a 

2 Transliterating S3ta as Feasta. 



Church for this old story,^ lest any good friar or cleric might 
be prompted to say that such tales were folly or supersti- 
tions, or were deluding the people ; which they would not 
be likely to assert if the story took place under the segis/so 
to speak, of St. Ciaran of Clonmacnoise and his monks, and 
to the greater glory of that saint. Such devices are common 
in Irish literature, notably in that great repertoire of all 
kinds of stories, the Agallamh na Seanorach, where they are 
told under the protection of St. Patrick himself, and with 
the sanction of his attendant angel. The incorrect adjec- 
tive eachlach, too, which is used to qualify the word preachdn, 
is the mistake of some former scribe who, not knowing that 
Accaill was a place-name (it is a large island off the Mayo 
coast) with a genitive Accla, made out of the contraction 
act an adjective aclach or eachlach; and the fact that the 
definite article is used before ' preachan ' followed by Ada 
in the genitive is a proof of antiquity, for such a locution 
as an preachan Ada, though common in Middle Irish, 
would hardly have been possible for the last few hundred 
years. ^ 

In the old poem in Eg. 1782, a fifteenth century vellum 
MS., Fintan was himself the salmon. This is one of the 
many cases of rebirth alluded to in old Irish sagas. ^ 

' When the black torrent of the deluge came down, the 
Creator placed me to my skaith in the form of a salmon on 
every cold stream,' says Fintan. He frequented the Bo3nie, 
the Bush, the Bann, the Suck, the Suir, the Liffey, etc., imtil 
he came to Assaroe. 

' A night I was on the wave in the north, and I at seal 
frequented Assaroe. I never experienced a night like that 
from the beginning to the end of my time.^ 

' I could not remain in the waterfall (pool), I give a leap 

* It is actually called in one of the MSS. that contains it, ' A story of two monks 
of Clonmacnoise.' 

2 On the other hand, of course, the article may have been inserted by a later scribe, 
who read aclach or eachlach and thought it an adjective. 

3 See Voyage of Bran, voL ii. p. 80. 

* Literally, ' of the world.' 


-it was no luck for me — the ice comes like a blue glass 
between me and the falls of the Son of Modharn. 

' There came a crow ^ out of cold Achill, above the river- 
mouth of Assaroe, I shall not hide it though it is a thing to 
be kept secret, he rapt away with him one of my eyes. 

' The Goll or Blind One of Assaroe has clung to me [as a 
name] since that night. Rough the deed. I am ever since 
without my eye. No wonder for me to be aged.' ^ 

The crow or hawk continuing his colloquy with Fintan 
reminds him of the death of his (Fintan's) own sons ^ in the 
Battle of Moytura in Cong, and tells him how he had the 
picking of them ! He tells him of the various battles he 
had seen in Ireland, and gloats over the reminiscence of the 
slain. It was he who carried off the hand of Nuadha, which 
was afterwards replaced by a silver hand, whence the king 
of the Tuatha De Danann was ever afterwards known as 
Nuadha of the Silver Hand. He, too, was the crow who 
perched upon Cuchulain's shoulder, when that great hero 
was dying. ' I came ^ above the warrior, as his countenance 

* The word preachdn^ though it usually means a crow or rook, is applied to the 
seabhac or hawk in this poem. In the Co. Roscommon I often heard the Marsh 
Harrier or ' kite,' as they called him in English, termed ' preachan gcearc ' in Irish. 

* Adhaigh dhamh ar [in] tuinn tiiaidh • ocus me ar Ess ronach Kuaidh, 
Ni fiiarus adhaigh mar sain • o thus co deiredh domain. 

Tic pr^chdn a hAccuill uair • os cionn inbir Essa Riiaidh • ni biu 'ca chelt cidh 
fdth niin • Do f huadhaigh leis mo lethsuil. 

Goll Essa Riiaid do lean dim • 6n adhaigh sin, borb a brigh • atii gan mo tsuil 
o hsoin • nemingnadh diiinn beith arsaid. 

' This is not a mere invention of the poet's. It is recorded that in the first (or 
southern) battle of Moytura fought between the Firbolg and the Tuatha De Danann, 
the Firbolg sent for Fintan to take his advice, and that he had thirteen sons in the 
battle. This story belongs to the mythological or oldest cycle of Irish story-telling. 

* Tanac 6s cinn in churad • ocus a drech ar ndubad • d'ithi a sula nir thoisc digh • 
crumaim mo chend sa chonghdir. 

Mothaighis m^ ar a agaid • togbai* siias in laim lagaigr • cuiris a chletin curad • 
tram cholainn don ch^ttula<i. 

Berim-si eteall angbaid • co h-Inis Geidh dar glennmuir • tairrngim assamm, borb 
an brigh • crann criiaidrighin in chletin. 

Anaidh am cholainn in cenn • mo chraidhe do chrdidh go tend, • co sldn ni iuilimm 
o hsoin • s ni cheilim otii arsaid. 

M6 do marb m6r na sg^la • denchorr do bi ar Muigh Lena, • ocus ilar Droma 
Bricc • do thnit lim 'san ath oirdirc. 



was darkening in death, to eat his eyes. It was not an errand 
of Inck. I stoop my head. . . . He feels me at his face. 
He raises up his weakening hand. He puts his hero's little 
quill through my body. ... I take a troubled flight to Innis 
Geidh across the valleyed sea, and draw forth from myself, 
rough the task, the hard, tough shaft of the dartlet. The head 
remains in my body. It tortured my heart sorely. Sound I 
am not since that day ; and I conceal it not since I am old. 

' It was I who slew, great the tidings, the solitary crane 
that was in Moy Leana and the eagle of Druim Breac, who 
fell by me at the famous ford. 

' It was I who slew, pleasant the supper, the solitary 
crane of blue Innis Geidh. It was I who chewed be- 
neath MY beak the two FULL-FAT BIRDS OF LiSlTHIN. 

It was I who slew, royal the rout, the slender Black- 
FOOT of Slieve Fuaid. The Blackbird of Druim Seghsa of 
the streams died in the talons of my daughters.' 

Here are allusions to a whole cycle of bird and beast lore. 
There were at one time, I should think, stories connected 
with all of these animals.^ 

M6 do marb siiaircc in s6re • ^nchorr Innsi guirm G^idhe • iss m6 do chogain fam 
chlr • dd 6n Idnmeithi L^ithfn. 

Is m6 do marb, righda in riiaig • Dubchosach seng sl^be Fiiait • Ion droma Seghsa 
na sreb • fudir bds i crobaib m'ingean. 

^ I think I have found the story of the solitary crane of Moy L^ana. I dis- 
covered a new version of the Agallamh na Seandrach in a seventeenth-century MS., 
one of the Reeve's collection, which contains a probably thirteenth-century text, 
and nearly as much again as the texts printed by 'Grady and Stokes. There is 
in this unpublished text a poem about the crane of the L6ana or Marsh, of 584 
lines, consisting of a dialogue between the crane and Oisin, in which the crane tells 
its story. The first two verses begin with the same line, *a chorr ud thall san 
l(iana.' Hence, no doubt, the words 'odnchorr do bf ar Muigh L6na' of the old 
poem, for the word ' 16ana ' naturally suggested the name ' Magh L6ana,* where the 
great battle was fought whose story forms one of the most famous of Irish romances. 
The text of the unpublished Agallamh seems to recognise that the crane was already 
known to Oisin. 'At chf [Oisln] an ccuirr ccrotaigh ccruaidhluirgneach do leath 
thaobh na conaire 7 tucc aithne fuirre.' He asks her 'cionnas do cuired isin 
ccoir^cosg sin thii . . . oir as irachian o ro choimhriccsiomh r6r ccoimhdhine gos 
anos.' Her name was Miadhach, daughter of Eachdhonn. She was metamorphosed 
because she would not give up her lover. As a crane she met with the Eagle of 
Druim Cr6, the Blackbird of Leitir Bile, with whom she falls in love, the Fox of 
Sliabh Mis, etc. 


It is also obvious that this ancient poem found in 
Egerton 1782, and in the Book of Fermoy, actually pre- 
supposes our story and has a close connection with it.^ 


A HOLY patron saint, noble and distinguished, there was 
in the land of Ireland of a time, whose name was Ciaran of 
Cluan.2 A good faith had he in the mighty Lord. 

One day Ciaran bade his clerics to go look for thatch for 
his church, on a Saturday of all days,^ and those who were 
so bidden were Sailmin, son of Beogan, and Maolan,"* son of 
Naoi, for men submissive to God were they twain, so far as 
their utmost-diligence went, and many miracles were per- 
formed for Maoldn, as Ciaran said in the stanza : 

Maolan, son of Naoi the cleric, 

His right hand be for our benison, 
If the son of Naoi desired it 

To work miracles like every saint [he could]. 

And moreover Sailmin, son of Beogan, he was the same man 
of whom, for wisdom, for piety, and for religion — he also — 
Ciaran spake the stanza : 

Sailmin melodious, son of Beogan, 

A faith godlike and firm, 
Not blemished (1) is his body, 

His soul is an angel. 

He was the seventh son of the sons of Beogan of Burren,^ 
and those men were the seven psalmists of Ciaran, so that 
from them is the ' Youth's Cross ' on the Shannon, and the 
[other] 'Youth's Cross' on the high road of Clonmacnoise 
[named] . 

* The pointing of the text, the capital letters, quotation marks, and hyphens are 
mine. Otherwise I have not interfered with it, except where stated in the notes. 

* i.e. * Clonmacnois.' ' Literally ' especially.' 

* These names are not giren in any of the Irish martyrologies. 

* In West Clare. 


Howsoever the clerics fared forth alongside the Shannon, 
until they reached Cluain Doimh. There they cut the full 
of their little curragh of white-bottomed green-topped 
rushes. Thereafter pbefore they had finished] they heard 
the voice of the clerics' bell at the time of Vespers on Sunday, 
so that they said that they would not leave that place until 
the day would rise on them on Monday, and they spake the 
lay as follows : 

The voice of a bell I hear in Cluan ^ 

On Sunday night defeating us, 

I shall not depart since that has been heard 

Until Monday, after the Sunday. 

On Sunday did God shape-out Heaven, 

On that day was the King of the apostles born, 

On Sunday was born Mary 

Mother of the King of Mercy. 

On Sunday, I say it. 

Was born victorious John Baptist. 

By the hand of God in the stream in the East 

Was he baptized on Sunday. 

On Sunday, moreover, it is a true thing. 

The Son of God took the captivity out of hell, 

On a Sunday after the battle (1) 

Shall God deliver the Judgment of the last day. 

On a Sunday night, we think it melodious. 

The voice of the cleric I hear. 

The voice I hear of a bell 

On Drum Diobraid above the pool. 

The voice of the bell I hear 
Taking me to rest (?) 
The voice of the bell I hear 
Bringing me to Cluan. 

By thy hand, youth, here. 
And by the King who created thee, 
My heart thinks them delightful 
Both the bell and the voice. 

* i.e. Clonmacnoise. 



Howbeit the clerics abode that night [where they were] 
for the love of the King of Sunday.^ Now there occurred 
a frost and a prolonged snow and a rigour-of-cold, and there 
arose against them bad weather and great rain, and there 
arose wind and tempest in the elements for their skaith and for 
their hurt, that it was a misery for all those for whom it had 
been fated to be placed in a bodily-form and to be that night 
without the convenience of a bothy or a lean-to of a bed or a 
fire for them. And surely had it not been for the mercy of God 
protecting them round about, it was not in the mind of either 
of them that he would be alive on the morrow after that 
night, with all they experienced of oppression and terror 
from the great tempest of that wild-weather, so that they 
never remembered their acts of piety or to say or sing a 
prayer (?), nor could they sleep or rest, for their senses were 
turned to foolishness, for they had never seen the like or the 
equal of that storm, and of the bad weather of that night, 
for the venom of its cold and moreover for the bitterness 
of the morning [which followed it]. And as they were there 
on the morning of the next day they heard a gentle, low, 
lamentable woe-begone conversation of grief above their 
heads on high on a tall wide-extended cliff. And [the mean- 
ing] was revealed to them through the virtue of their holiness, 
and although much evil and anxiety had they suffered [still] 
they paid attention to the conversation and observed it. 

And they between whom the conversation was, were 
these, namely an eagle who was called Leithin ^ and a 
bird of its birds ^ in dialogue with her, pitiously and 
complainingly lamenting their cold-state, pitifully, sadly, 
grievously ; and said the bird to the eagle : 

' Leithin,' said he, ' do you ever remember the like of 

* A common periphrasis eren in modern Irish. See my story of Sedghan Tinc^ar, 
'Sgeuluidhe Gaedhealach,' third story, and Religious Songs of Connachtf vol. ii. 
pp. 272-3. 

* Apparently 'the little grey one' from * Hath ' = grey ; pronounce 'Lay-heen.' 
I hare made *her' feminine and called her 'she' in the translation, but the Irish 
makes her masculine. 

* i.e. one of its own young 6agles or nestlings. 


this morning or of last night to have come within thy know- 
ledge before ? ' 

' I do not remember,' said Leithin, ' that I ever heard 
or saw the like or the equal of it, since the world was created, 
and do you yourself remember or did you ever hear of such 
[weather] ? ' said the eagle to the bird. 

' There are people who do remember,' said the bird. 

' Who are they ? ' said the eagle. 

' Dubhchosach [i.e the black-footed one] of Binn Gulban,^ 
that is the vast-sized stag of the deluge, ^ who is at Binn 
Gulban, and he is the hero of oldest memory of all those of 
his generation (?) in Ireland.' 

' Your sin be on you, and your sin's reward. Surely you 
don't know that, and now although that stag be far away 
from me I shall go to see him, to find if I may win any 
knowledge from him ! ' 

Therewith Leithin went off lightly, yet was she scarcely 
able to rise up on high with the strength of the bad weather, 
and no more could she go low with the cold of the . . . ? 
and with the great abundance of the water, and though it 
was difficult for her, she progressed lightly and low-flying, 
and no one living could reveal or make known all that she 
met of evil and of misery going to Ben Gulbain looking for 
the Blackfoot. And she found the small-headed swift- 
footed stag scratching himself against a bare oak rampike. 
And Leithin descended on a corner of the rampike beside 
him. And she salutes the stag in his own language and asks 
him was he the Blackfoot. The stag said that he was, and 
Leithin spake the lay, as follows : 

Well for you, Blackfoot, 

On Ben Gulbain high, 
Many moors and marshes 

Leap you lightly by. 

^ Now Ben Bulben in Co. Sligo. 

2 i.e. 'as old as the deluge' ? I have often met the phrase elsewhere as applied 
to a great stag. It is a stock phrase, whatever may be the exact meaning. 


Hounds no more shall hunt you 

Since the Fenians ^ fell, 
Feeding now untroubled 

On from glen to glen. 

Tell me, stag high-headed, 

Saw you ever fall 
Such a night and morning 1 

You remember all. 

[The stag answers.] 

I will give you answer, 

Leithin, wise and grey, 
Such a night and morning 

Never came my way. 

* Tell me, Blackfoot,' said Leithin, ' what is your age ? ' 
' I '11 tell you,' said the Blackfoot. ' I remember this oak 
here when it was a little oaklet, and I was born the same 
year at the foot of the oak that was there, and I was reared 
upon that couch [of moss at its foot] until I was a mighty- 
great stag ; and I loved this abode [ever], through my 
having been reared in it. And the oak grew after that till 
it was a giant oak, and I used to come and constantly 
scratch myself against it every evening after my journey- 
ings and goings [during the day], and I used [always] to 
remain beside it in such wise till the next morning, and 
neither travel nor hot hunting used to affect me, till I used 
to reach this same tree, so that we grew up with one another, 
[I and the tree], until I became a mighty-great stag, and 
this tree became the bare withered rampike which you see, 
so that it is now only a big ruined maosgdn ^ without blossom 
or fruit or foliage to-day, its period and life being spent. 
Now I have let a long period of time ^ go by me, yet I never 
saw and never heard tell of in all that time the like of last 

Leithin departs [to return] to her birds after that, and 

1 The Fenians were the great hunters of game in Ireland in the third century. 

2 Decayed wood. 

2 The original seems to mean a cargo, [or the people] of five hundred years. 


on her reaching home the second bird spoke to her : ' Have 
you found out what you went to inquire about ? ' 

' I have not,' said Leithin, and she began to blame the 
bird for aU the cold and hardships she had endured, [but at 
last] she said, ' Who do you think again would obtain know- 
ledge of this for me ? ' said Leithin. 

'I know that,' said the bird, ' Dubhgoire [=the black 
caller] of Clonfert ^ of Berchan.' 

' Well then I 'U go to him.' 

And although that was far away from her yet she pro- 
ceeded until she reached Clonfert of [Saint] Berchan, and 
she was observing the birds until they had finished their 
feeding [and were returning home], and then Leithin saw 
approaching her one splendid bird, beautifully-topped, 
victorious-looking, of the size of a blackbird, but of the 
brightness of a swan, and as soon as it came into her pre- 
sence Leithin asks it whether it was Dubhgoire. 

It said that it was. 

It was a marvel [to Leithin] when it said that it was, 
namely, that the blackbird should be white, and Leithin 
spake the lay. 

How is that, O Dubhgoire, sweet is thy warbling, often 
hast thou paid thy calls throughout the blue-leaved forest. 

From Clonfert of the bright streams thou searchest the 
full plain of the Liffey and, from the plain of the Liffey 
coming from the east to Kildare behind it. 

From that thou wentest to thy nest, in the Cill which 
Brigit blessed, short was it for thee to overleap every hedge 
till thou camest to the townland in which Berchan is 
wont to be. 

O Dubhgoire, tell to me — and to count up all thy life — 
the like of yesterday morning, did it ever overtake thee, O 
Dubhgoire ? 

[Dubhgoire answers.] 
To me my full life was three hundred years before 

^ A mistake no doubt for Cluain Sosta, now Clonsast, in Queen's Co. 



Berchan, the lifetime of Berchan I spent [added thereto], I 
was enduring in lasting happiness. 

At one time [with me] was Lughaidh of the blades for 
a while in the sovereignty of all Ireland, [I remember 
so much, yet] I never experienced by sea or by land such 
weather as that which Leithin mentions in his lay.^ 

' Well then, my own errand to thee,' said Leithin, * is to 
inquire if there ever overtook you, or if you remember to 
have seen or [to have heard] that there ever came such a 
morning as yesterday for badness.' 

' I do not remember that I ever saw such,' said Dubh- 
goire, * or anything Hke it.' 

As for Leithin she was sad and sorrowful, because her 
knowledge ^ was none the greater for this, and she pro- 
ceeded on her way till she reached her nest and birds. 

' What tidings have you to tell us to-day ? ' said the bird. 

' May you never have luck nor fortune,' said Leithin. 
' I have none, but I am as I was when I was departing, 
except all my weariness from all the journeyings and wander- 
ings which you contrive to get me to take, without my 
getting anything great or small of profit or advantage out 
of you,' and with that she gave a greedy venomous drive of 
her beak at the bird, so that she had like to make a prey (?) 
and flesh-torn spoil of it, with vexation at all the evil and 
misery she had experienced going to Kildare, so that the 
bird screeched out loudly and pitifully and miserably. 

[A while] after that Leithin said, ' It 's a pity and a grief 
to me if any one in Ireland knows [that there ever came a night 
worse than that night] and that I myself do not know of it.' 

' Well then, indeed, there is one who knows, ' says the 
bird, ' Goll of Easruadh (^.e. the Blind one of Assaroe), and 
another name of him is the Eigne ^ of Ath-Seannaigh (i.e. 
the salmon of Bally shannon), and it is certain that he knows 
about that, if any one in the world knows about it.' 

^ Literally, ' I never got on sea or land a knowledge of that lay of Leithin's/ 

2 Literally, Hidings.' 

2 This is an old poetic word for a salmon. 


'It is hard for me to go the way you tell me,' said Leithin, 
' yet I would like exceeding well to win knowledge about 
this thing.' 

Howsoever she set out, and she never came down until 
she reached Assaroe of Mac Modhaim, and she began observ- 
ing and scrutinising Assaroe until she saw the salmon feed- 
ing at the pond, and she saluted him and said, ' That is a 
pleasant [life], O Goll ; it is not with thee as with me, for our 
woes are not the same,' and she spake the lay. 

[Leithin speaks.] 

' Pleasant is that [life of thine], O Goll, with success (?), 
many is the stream which thou hast adventured ; thou art 
not the same way as we are. . . . 

' It is to thee that I have come from my house, Blind 
one of Assaroe ; how far does thy memory go back, or how 
far is thy age to be reckoned ? ' 

[The Salmon answers.] 

* As for my memory, that is a long one. It is not easy 
to reckon it. There is not on land or in bush a person like 
me — none like me but myself alone ! 

* I remember, it is no short remembrance, the displacing 
showers of the Deluge, four women and four men there 
remained after it in the world. 

' I remember Patrick of the pens coming into the land 
of Ireland, and the Fir Bolg, virile the assembly, coming 
from Greece to take possession of it. 

* Truly do I mind me of Fintan's coming into the country 
beside me, four men were the crew of his ships, and an 
equal number of females. 

*I remember gentle Partholan's taking the kingship's 
over Ulster. I remember, a while before that, Glas son of 
Aimbithe in Emania. 

' I chanced to be, one morning that was not fair, on this 
river, O Leithin ; I never experienced a morning like that, 
either before it or after it. 


* I gave a leap into the air under the brow of my hard 
rock [here], and before I came down into my house [of 
water] this pool was one flag of ice. 

* The bird of prey ^ seized me above the land with a 
furious ungentle onslaught, and bore away my clear blue 
eye. To me it was not a pleasant world.' 

' Well now, my own object in coming to you,' said 
Leithin, ' was to inquire of you whether you ever remember 
such a morning as yesterday was ? ' 

' Indeed I saw such a morning,' quoth GoU. ' I remem- 
ber the coming of the deluge and I remember the coming of 
Partholan and of Fintan and the children of Neimhidh and 
the Fir Bolg and the Tuatha de Danann and the Fomorians 
and the sons of Milesius and Patrick son of Alprunn, and I 
remember how Ireland threw off from her those bands, and 
I remember a morning that was worse than that morning, 
and another morning, apart from the great showers out of 
which the deluge fell. And the deluge left only four men 
and four women, namely, Noe, son of Laimhfhiach, and his 
wife and Sem Cam and Japhet and their three wives, for 
in truth that was the crew of the ark, and neither [church-] 
man nor canon reckon that God left undestroyed in the 
world any but those four. Howbeit wise men truly re- 
count that God left another four keeping knowledge and 
tribal-descent and preserving universal genealogies, for God 
did not wish the histories of the people to fade, and so He 
left Fintan, son of Laimhf hiadhach, towards the setting of the 
sun, southward, keeping an account of the west of the world, 
and moreover Friomsa Furdhachta keeping the lordships of 
the north, and the prophet and the apostle (?) duly ordering 
the [history of the] south. And these are they who were 
alive outside of the ark, and I remember all those people, 
and, Leithin,' said GoU, ' I never saw the like of that morn- 
ing for venom except one other morning that was worse 
than the morning that you speak of, and worse than any 

* Literally ' eagle ' ; but this is a mistake, it was not an eagle. 
VOL. X. I 


morning that ever came before it. It was thus. One day 
that I was in this pool I saw a beautifully coloured butterfly 
with purple spots in the air over my head. I sprang to 
catch it, but before I came down the whole pool had become 
one flag of ice behind me, so that [when I fell back] it bore 
me up on that ice. And then there came the bird of prey ^ 
to me, on his seeing me [in that condition], and he made a 
greedy venomous assault on me, and plucked the eye out of 
my head, and it was owing to my weight that he was not 
able to lift me, and he threw the eye into the pool, and we 
both wrestled together until we broke the ice with the 
violence of the struggle, and with the [heat of the] great 
amount of crimson-red blood that was pouring from my 
eye, so that the ice was broken by that, so that with difficulty 
I got down into the pool [again], and that is how I lost my 
eye. And it is certain, O Leithin,' said GoU, ' that that was 
by far the worst morning that I ever saw, and worse than this 
morning that you speak of,' 

Now as for the clerics they took council with one an- 
other [and determined] to await [the eagle's return], that her 
tidings might overtake them. However, they experienced 
such hardships and anguish, such cold and misery that 
night, and they could not [despite their resolution] endure 
to abide [the eagle's return], so Maolan the cleric said, ' I 
myself beseech the powerful Lord and the chosen Trinity 
that the eagle Leithin may come with the knowledge he 
receives to Clonmacnoise and tell it to Ciaran ' [and there- 
with they themselves departed]. 

Now as for GoU [the Salmon], he asked Leithin after that 
who was it that sent her in pursuit of that knowledge. 

' It was the second bird of my own birds.' 

' That is sad,' said Goll, ' for that bird is greatly older 
than you or than I either, and that is the bird that picked 
my eye out of me, and if he had desired to tell you [aU] these 

* MSS. reads *fiolar' = 'the eagle,' which is evidently a mistake. 


things it would have been easy for him. That bird,' said 
he, ' is the old Crow of Achill. And its talons have got 
blunted with old age, and since its vigour and energy and 
power of providing for itself have departed from it, its way 
of getting food is to go from one nest to another, smothering 
and killing every bird's young, and eating them, and for 
that reason you will never overtake your own birds alive, 
and oh ! beloved friend, best friend that I ever saw, if you 
only succeed in catching him ahve on your return, remember 
all the tricks he has played you, and avenge your birds and 
your journeyings and your wanderings upon him, and then 
too mind thee to avenge my eye.' 

Leithin bade farewell to GoU, and off she went the self- 
same way she had come, in a mighty swift course, for she 
felt certain [now] that she would not overtake her birds 
alive, nor her eyrie. And good cause had she for that dread, 
for she only found the place of the nest, wanting its birds, 
they having been eaten by the Crow of Achill. So that all 
Leithin got as the result of her errand was the loss of her 
birds. But the Old Crow of Achill had departed after 
its despoiling [the nest], so that Leithin did not come on 
it, neither did she know what way it had gone. 

Another thing, too, Leithin had to go every Monday, 
owing to the cleric's prayer, to Clonmacnoise. There the 
eagle perched upon the great pinnacle of the round tower of 
Clonmacnoise, and revealed herself to the holy patron, 
namely Ciaran. And Ciaran asked her for her news. And 
Leithin said she was [not ?] more grieved at her wanderings 
and her loss than at that. Thereupon Ciaran said that he 
would give her the price and reward of her story-telling ; 
namely every time that her adventures should be told if it 
were storm or excessive rain that was in it at the time of 
telling, it should be changed into fine sky and good weather. 

And Leithin said that it was understood by her [aU 
along] that it was not her birds or her eyrie she would 
receive from him; and since that might not be, she was 



pleased that her journeying and wandering should not go for 

And [thereupon] Leithin related her goings from the 
beginning to the end, just as we have told them above. 
So those are the adventures of Leithin, thus far. 

[N]aomh ^ earlamh uasal oireadha ro bhi a ccrioch n-Eireand 
feacht n-aile dar ba comhainm Ciaran Cluana. Do bhi 
creidiomh maith aige don choimdhe chomhaehtach. 

Aon do 16 d'fhogair Ciaran da chleiricc ^ dul d'iara[i]dh 
tuighe chum ^ na heagluise, dia-sathrainn ^ go sonradh. 
Agus as riu adubhradh sin, eadhon fria Sailmin mac Beogain 
agus fria Maolan mac Naoi, oir badh lucht umhluigheachta 
do Dhia an dis sin go nuige a ndithchioll. Agus rinneadh 
fearta iomdha do Mhaolan amhuil adubhairt Ciaran an rann. 

Maolan mac Naoi an cleireach 
A lamh dheas ddr seanadh 
Da madh aill le mac Naoi 
Fearta gach naoimh do dh^anamh. 

Agus fos Sailmin mac Beogain/fa he an fear ceadna/ar cheill 
7 ar chrabhadh agus ar creidiomh/e fein fos, rosbeart Ciaran 
an rand : 

Sailmin bind mac Beogain 
Creidiomh diadha daingion 
Ni h-ainchion a coland 
A ^ anam as aingiol. 

Gurab e sin an seachtmhadh mac do mhacaibh Beogain 
Boirne, agus rob iad sin seacht sailmchiaUuibh Ciarain, 
gurab uatha Cros na Macaoimh ar an Soininn,^ agus Cros 
na Macaomh air Slighe Cluana. 

1 A large space is left blank in my MS. for the initial N. 

2 Thus my MS. ; all the other read ' da chleireach.' 

3 MSS., 'chuin.' 

* 24 A. E. omits from ' dul' to 'sathairn.' 

^ E. V. 5 correctly inserts this 'A,' absent in my MS., and in Micheal Longan's.* 

« All the MSS. read ' Soininn.' 


Ciodh tracht ro ghluaiseadar na Cleirig ar fud na Sionna, 
go ran-cadar go Cluain Doimh. Bhaineadar Ian a ccura- 
chain do luachair bhuinghil bhar-ghlas ann. 

Air sin do chualadar guith cluig an chleiricc a n-am 
easbarta Dia Domhnaig, go ndubhradar nach fagfaidis an 
t-ionnad sin go n-eirgeadh an la Dia Luain ortha, agus 
adubhradar an laoi mar ata inar ndiaigh, 

Guith cluig ad-chluinim a cCluain 
Oidhche Dhomhnaig co diombuaidh 
Nl imeochad 6 chualadh siid 
Go Luan andeghidh an Domhnaigh. 

Dia Domhnaig do d[h]ealbuidh Dia neamh, 
As ann do rugadh Kigh na n-apstal, 
Dia Domhnaig do rugadh Muire 
Mdthair righ na Trocaire. 

Dia Domhnaig adeirim dhe 
Rugadh Eoin buadha Baiste, 
Do Idmh Dei san t sruith shoir 
Do baisteadh e Dia Domhnaig. 

Dia Domhnaig f6s — as dail dearbh — 
Tug Mac Dei an bhruid a h-ifriond, 
Dia Domhnaig deis an agha 
Bhearfas Dia breith an bhratha. 

Oidhche Domhnaig, as bind lind ^ 
Guith an chleiricc do chluinim, 
Guith cluig ad-chluinim-se 
A ndruim Diobraid 6s an lind. 

Guith an chluig do chluinim-se 
Dom rad-sa go huain, 
Guith an chluig ad chluinim-se 
Dom breith-se go Cluain. 

Dar do laimh-se a mhacaoimh-se 
Is dar an righ ^ ro-d-chruith 
As ionmhuin learn chroidhe-si 
An clog is an guith. 

* Thus my MS. ; the other MSS. read ' binn binn ' or ' bind bind,' 
2 ' Rige ' or ' righe ' in MS. Only 24 A 3 reads ' righ.' 



Acht ro fhansad, na cleiricc an oidhche sin ar ghradh 
righi an Domhnaigh gur ro f earad[h] sioc agus sior-shneachta 
7 roith Sicus d'eiridh doishinionn 7 mor-fhearaind doibh 7 
ro eiridh gaoth 7 garbhshion na duilibh ^ re a-ndith agus re 
a ndochar gar mairg doibh da raibh a ndan a ccur a ccolainn, 
riamh, 7 a mbeith an oidhche sin gan airighthe botha na 
belsgatha leaptha na Ian tine leo, ann. Doigh amh muna 
m-beith trocaire Dei da n-imdhion nach raiph an aigne 
dhuine acu bheith beo air na mhaireach deis na hoidhche 
sin le na bhfuaradar d'eigen 7 d'uathbhas 6 mhor-anfadh 
na garbhshine sin, go nar chuimhnigheadar ar chrabhadh na 
caoin-leaghan do radh na do chantaind, na eotla na comh- 
shuan do dheanamh, gur ro saobhadh a ccedfadh go na 
feacadar samhuil na baramhuil do doimhne ^ na do dhoi- 
shininn ^ na h-oidhche sin riamh ar nimhnidhe a fuachta 
agus fos ar ^ fhuaire na maidne. Agus do bhadar an traith 
na maidne air na mhaireach go ccualadar an bronchomhradh 
ciuin uirisiol eugcaointeach lan-imshiom^ach 6s a cciond 
anairde ar aill phriomhfairsing, gur foillsigheadh doibh e, 
tre fertaibh a naomhthachta. Gidh mor d'olc agus d'im- 
shniom do fuaradar tugadar an comhradh da n-uige agus 
da n-aire. 

Agus as iad do rin an comhradh, eadhon fiolar dar bh'ainm 
Leithin agus ean d'a eanaibh ^ ag agallamh fria go ciun- 
lanach gearranach,^ aig caoine a bhfuachta go truagh 
tuirseach imshniomhach, go ndubhairt an t-ean ris an 
bhfiolar : 

' A Leithin,' ar '^ se, * an cuimhin leat macasamhla ^ na 
maidne aniugh na na hoidhche araoir do theacht ar t'eolas 
roimhe-si riamh ? 

* All the other MSS. except mine read ' na firmaimente.' 

2 All the MSS. read ' doimhne ' except mine, which reads ' doimhand.' 

3 E. V. 5, omits last five words, and MS. reads generally ' air.' 

* My MS. reads generally, but not always, ' air ' for ' ar.' I have changed it to ' ar ' 

6 23, G, 20, and 23, P, 18 read ' aenda aeinibh. 
^ 24, A, 3 omits these adjectives. 
^ * Air' in MS. I have changed to 'ar ' in all cases. 
» * Leitheid. 23, G, 20. 



' Ni cuimhin,' ar Leithin, ' go ccuala na go bhfeaca a 
samhail na baramhuil di 6 cruthuigheadh an domhan, agu& 
an cuimhin leat fein no an ccuala tu a leitheid ? ' air an fiolar 
ris an ean. 

' Ataid daoine le na cuimhin,' ar an t-ean. 

* Cia hiad fein ? ' ar an fiolar. 

*Dubhchosach Binde Gulban,' ar an t-ean, 'eadhon 
damh diomhor dilean ata ag Bind Gulban, agus ase oglaoch 
as sine cuimhne da choimhshine fein a n-Eirind e.' 

' Ort do chol agus do chol dhuais ! dar ndoith nil a 
fhios sin agad-sa ! Gidheadh, ciodh fada sin uaim-se, 
rachad da fheachuin an bhfaghaind scela uadha.' 

And sin gluaiseas Leithin roimhe go himed[t]rom, agus 
nochar bfheidir leis eirge go hard le neart na garbhshine, 
agus ni mo fhead go hisiol le fuacht na fiodhbhuidhe agus le 
h-il-iomad an uisge, agus ge ar dheachair do e ro ghlnais, go 
h-im-ed[t]rom in-isiol, agus nochar ^ bhfeidir le neach ar 
bith a fhaisneis na a innsin a bhfuair d' olc agus d'anro ag 
dul go Bind Gulbain aig iarrapdh] Dubhc^05aig[h]. Agus 
ro fuair an damh ceand-bheag cos-luath da thochas fein re 
fiodhloman daruidhe, gur thuirrlind ^ Leithin ar bind don 
loman mail[l]e ris, agus beannuigheas don damh tre a 
urlabhra fein, agus fiafruigheas de ar bh' e Dubhchosach e. 
Adubhairt an Damh gurbh'e ; agus do bheart Leithin an laoi, 
mur ata : 

Aoibhinn duit a Dhubhcosaig 

Ar Bind Gulban geir 
Mor sreath agus anach 
Tar ar lingis l6im. 

Ni heagal duit cunartach ^ 

Tar eis Fianna Find, 
Acht sibh saoghalach seasgair 

6 gach glind go glind. 

2 Thus my MS. ; all the other MSS. read ' turn ' except 23, G, 20, which is not 

3 'My MS. and Longan's, 23, G, 20, and E. V. 5 read 'cuanartach. 24, B, 12, 
reads as in text. 


Abair Horn a Dhubhchosaig 

A dhaimh cind ar chaoimh, 
Macasamla na maidne-se 

Cuimhin ^ do rdla dhibh. 

[Dhe Damh ag freagairt,] 

An cheist do chuiris-se 

A Leithin ghloin ghaoith 
Mac samhla na maidne-se 

Cuimhin rala dhiobh.^ 

' Innis dam a Dhubhchosaigh,' ^ ar Leithin, ' cread as 
aois duit ? ' 

' In[n]e6sad,' ar Dubhchosach, ' eadhon as cuimhin liom 
an [crann] darach so shios do bheith ionna darachan 6g : 
Agus aon bhliaghain do rugadh mise a mbun na darruighe so 
bhi and, agus ro hoileadh mise ar an leabadh so no gur 
dhamh diomhor me ; gur charas an adhbhadh so tream 
oileamhuin uirthe; gur fhas an dair iar sin go raibh na 
[dhair ?] mhoir,^ agus do thigind-se dam' ghnath-thochas 
fein ria gach nona ^ d'eis mh'aistir [agus] m' imtheachta, go 
bhfanaind aici fa'n n-iondbuidh sin go maidion ar na 
mhaireach. Agus nocha ccmreadh ^ taisdiol, na trom- 
fhiadhach orom go soichinn an crann cetna, gur fhasamair 
ri aroile,*^ go ndeamaidh damh diomhor diom-sa agus loman 
lom lan-chrion do'n chrand so ad-chidh-se ; go bhfuil na 
mhaosgan mhor mhadhmtha gan bhlaith gan toradh na 
duillemhar aniugh iar ccathamh a rae agus a shaoghail. 
Ciodhtracht do chuirios lucht chuig cead bUaghan do leath 
diom. Gidheadh ni fhaca agus ni chuala ris an rae sin 
ionnshamhuil na hoidhche araoir.' 

Gluaiseas Leithin roimhe, d'iondsuighe a ean, agus ar 

^ Thus my MS. ; the others read ' cum,' perhaps ' cathain,' 'when.' 
2 All the MSS. read thus, senselessly, which shows they are descended from the 
same recension, the original scribe of which wrote this line twice by mistake. 
2 Dubhchosach and Dubhcosaig MSS. 

* All the MSS. read ' go raibh na mhoir,' but this locution seems strange. 
^ My MS. reads ' ne6na.' 

^ My MS. and 23, P. 18, read * a ccuiieadh. Neither reading is clear. 
7 Ria ar oile, MSS. 


rochtain chum baile do, adubhairt an dara hean ris ' An 
bfuairis fios na fuasgladh an sgeil um a ndeachais ? ' 

' Ni bfuaras,' ar Leithin, agus ro ghabh ic im-chasaoid 
ar an ean tre n-a bhfuair d'fuacht agus d'anro, go ndubhairt 
* cia aige a saoilfea a fhios d'fhaghail dam anis ? ' ar Leithin. 

' Ata' fhios sin agam,' ar an t-ean, ' Dubhghoire, eadhon 
Ion Chluana Ferta ^ Bearachain. 

' Maiseadh rachad d'a iondsuighe.' 

Agus ger bhfada sin uaidh do ghhiais roimhe no go 
rainig Cluain Ferta Bearachain, agus ro bhi [ag] ^ feithiomh 
na n-eanlaithe no go rainig leo sgur d'a n-innillt, go bfeaca 
Leithin aon ean bardha barr-ahiinn bioth-bhuadhach da iond- 
suighe go mead loin agus go ngile eala. Agus iar tteacht chum 
lairthig do, fiafruigheas Leithin de ' ar bh'e Dubhghoire e.' 

Adubhairt-sion gur bh' e. 

Ro ba iongna iar na h-insin gur bh' e, eadhon an Ion do 
bheith gleigeal, go ndubhairt Leithin an laoi. 

Cionnas sin a Dhubhghoire 
Binn air do longhaire, 
Minic chuiris cuardaighthe 
Ar feadh fedha gormdhuille. 

Ac Cluan ^ Ferta na sreabh mbdn 
Sire Mdgh Life lomldn, 
Mdgh Life ag teacht anshoir 
Go Cill-dara na dheghaidh. 

As sin duit-se chum do neid 
A ccill do bhennuigh Brighit, 
Gairid duit leim tar gach fdl 
Gus an mbaile a mbi Berchan. 

A Dhubhghoire innis dam 
Do shaoghal iomdireamh 
Macasamhla na maidne anae 
An ttarthaidh tii a Dhubhghoire. 

1 E. V. 5 reads ' Chuan Feasta,' so does 24 A. E. and 23, G. 20. But Cluain 
Sosta was probably the original reading. 

2 All the MSS. omit 'ag,' which is often omitted in folk speech, but seldom 

3 Probably ' a cluain,' %.€. ''from Clonfert ' is the right reading, but all the MSS. 
read as in text. 



Damh-sa sin badh saoghal sldn 
Tri cet bliadhan roimh Bearachan 
Saoghal Bearachdn do chaithios 
Do bhios buan a mbith-mhaithes. 

A n-aon aimsir do bhi Luighidh ^ na lann 

Sel na rigi ar Eirind, 

Ni bhfuaras ar muir n6 ar tir 

Aithin na laoi ^ sin a L^ithin. 

' Maiseadh as i mo thoisg fein chugad-sa,' ar Leithin, 
' da fhiafruighe diot an ttarthaidh tu no ar cuimhin leat 
leithead na maidne anae do theacht na dfaicsin riamh ar a 
holcas ? ' 

' Ni cuimhin liom go bhfeaca,' ar Dubhghoire, ' na f 6s 
baramhuil di.' 

Dala Leithin do bhi go doilg[i] dobronach oir nior liaide ^ 
a sgeala sin, agus gluaiseas roimhe go rainig a nead agus na 

' Ca sgeala agad aniugh ? ' ar an t-ean. 

' Nar ba soirbh na sona dhuit-sc choidhche,' ar Leithin, 
' ni bhfuilid sin agam, acht mar do bhadhas ag imtheacht 
dam, acht amhain mead mo thuirse 6 gach siubhal agus 
aistear da ttig diot-sa dheanamh dam, gan a bheag na [a] 

mhor dod thairbhe na dod t[h]oice dfhaghuil dam ' go 

dtug sidhe sanntach, sar-nimhneach d'a ghulban chum an 
ein, gur fhobair aghaidh fhoghladh agus f heolsgasilte * do 
dhenamh de, le h-aingideacht 6 na bhfuair d'olc agus 
d'annro, ag dul go Cilldara, — gur sgreach an t-ean os ard go 
trom tuirseach eagcaointeach ; go ndubhairt Leithin air sin. 
' As truagh agus as doilg hom ma ata a fhios a n-Eirind ag 
aon duine, gar a fhios agam fein.' 

' Maiseadh go deimhin ata,' ar an t-ean — ag GoU Easa- 

* Laigh, 23, G. 20 ; the others read as in text. 

2 Thus E. V. 5 and 24, A 3. My MS. reads ' laoidhe.' The ' a ' is omitted in 
my MS. and another. The correct reading was probably ' aithin na laoi-se a Leithin. 

3 Thus 23, G. 20. My MS. reads 'liaidhe.' 

* So all the MSS. read. Some do not aspirate the f of feolsgaoilte. 



ruadh, agus ainm eile do Eigne Atha Seannaigh; agus is 
dearbh go bhfuil a fhios sud aige ma ta san domhan a fhios.' 

' Deacair liom imtheacht ar t'eolas,' ar Leithin, ' agus ^ 
ro ba mhaith liom a fhios sud d'faghail.' 

Gidheadh ro ghluais roimhe agus nior thuirling ^ go rainig 
Easruadh Mac Modhuirn, gur ghabh ag breithniughadh 
agus ag mion-f heachain na hEasa uaidh, go bhf eaca an t-eigne 
ag innilt for san ath, gur bheannaidh do, go ndubhairt 
' sadhail sin a Ghoill, ni h-ionnan sibh agus sinne, oir ni 
hionand galar dtiinn, agus adubhairt an laoi. 


Sddhail sin a Ghoill go ngr^in 
Mo 3 sruith a ndeachais na ddil, 
Ni hionand sibh agus sinne 
Siubhalach orm da indsin. 

As chugad tdnag 6m' thig 
A Ghoill Easaruadh r6mhaig,* 
Cdidhe do chuimhne go ccionn 
No cdidhe h'aois re h-direamh 1 


Mo chuimhne, as fada soin 
Nocha hurasa a h-airiomh, 
Ni bhfuil ar talamh na a ttor ^ 
Neach amhla acht m6 am' aonar. 

As cuimhin liom, ni cuimhne gearr, ® 
Ceatha ^ diothchuir na dileand. 
Ceathrar ban is ceathrar fear 
Ro bhi ionna ndiaig 3an domhan. 

1 Even in modeni Irish one often finds 'agus' written where one would rather 
expect 'acht.' 

2 All the MSS. except mine read Hhiirn.' 

2 This is a dialectic Munster form of ' iomdha.' 

* So in E. V. 5, but 'r6 mhoig' in my MS., and 23, P. 18, and in 23, G. 20. 
' r6nach,' i.e. * full of seals,' is the adjective applied to Assaroe in the old poem of the 
Hawk of AchilL This may be a corruption of it. 

5 'Na a ttor,' E. V. 5. The other MSS. omit the 'a.' 

• MSS. ' g^ar,* but this does not rhyme with ' dileann.' 

^ 'Catha' MSS. But this is evidently incorrect, for the prose reproduces th© 
word ' ceatha ' which makes sense. 


Cuimhne Horn Pattruig na ^ bpeann 
Do theacht a ttir n-Eireand 
Is Fir Bolg, feardha an d^il, 
Do theacht 6'n nGr^ig da gabhdil. 

Fiondtainn as fiorchuimhne liom 
Do theacht sa tir-se Uimh lioin,^ 
Ceathrar fear lucht a loinge 
Sa ccoimhlion do bhanchoire. 

Cuimhne liom Parrthalan cdin 
Do ghabhail righe ar Olltuibh, 
^ Cuimhin liom seal roimhe sin 

Glas mac Aimbithe a n-Eamhuin. 

Tdrla m^ maidionn nar mhin 
Ar an abhainn-se a Leithin, 
Ni bfuaras maidiond mar sin 
Riamh roimpe na na deghaidh. 

Do rugus leim andirde 

Fa ceannaibh mo chruadh-chairrge, 

Sul do thiirnas dam thig 

Do bhl an lind na lie oidhridh. 

Rug orm an fiolar os tir 
Sldhe anfadhach ainmhin, 
Do rug leis mo rosg gorm-ghlan 
Damh-sa nior shoirbh an saoghal. 

' Maiseadh asi mo thoisg fein chugad,' ar Leithin, * da 
fhiafruighe diot an cuimhin leat leithead na maidne anae ? ' 

' Do chonarc go dearbh,' ar GoU, ' as cuimhin liom teacht 
na dilinde, agus as cuimhin Hom teacht Parrtholain 7 
Fionntaind, 7 chlanna Neimheadh 7 Firbolg 7 Tuatha De 
Danann ^ agus Foghmoraigh agus maca Mileadh 7 Pattmic 
mac Alphruind, agus as cuimhin Hom gur chuir Eire na 
diormadh sin di, agus is cuimhin Hom maidionn badh mheasa 
na'n mhaidion sin, agus maidionn eile a n-eagmus an 
mhor-cheatha dar' thuit an Dilend. Agus nior fhag an dile 
acht aon cheathrar amhain fear agus ceathrar ban, eadhon 
Noe mac Laimhfhiadhach 7 a bhean 7 Sem Cam agus Japhet 
a thritir ban: gurob iad sin lucht na h-airce go deimhin. 

1 The 'na' added from E. V. 5 and 23, A, 3. 

2 Thus in the other MS. My MSS. reads ' bhldith uir.' 

3 All the MSS. read ' deanainn ' or * deanaind.' 


Agus ni airmhionn duine na canoinn gur fhag Dia duine ar 
domhan gan diothughadh acht an t-ochtar sin. Gidheadh 
airmhid eoluigh[h] go firinneach gur fhag Dia cethrar oile 
ag comeud eoil agus cineoil agus ag gabhail geinealaigh 
comhchoitchiond, oir nior bh'ail le Dia sgela na ndaoine do 
dhithchealacZ^, agus ro fhag Fiontainn mac Laimhf hiadhach ^ 
re fuineadh na greine teas, ag coimead feasa iarthair an 
domhuin, agus fos Friomsa Furdhachta ag coimead tigher- 
nais an tuaisgirt, agus an faidh agus an t-easbadh,^ ag 
deaghordughsidh an deisgirt, agus asiad sin do bhi beo a 
n-eagmuis na h-airce, gur cuimhin hom-sa an lucht sin uile, 
a Leithin,' ar Goll, ' agus ni fheaca samhuil na maidne sin 
ar a h-olcas acht aon maidiond amhain badh mheasa 'na'n 
mhaidionn sin a deire-si, agus 'na gach maidiond d'a ttainig 
riamh roimpe : eadhon la n-aon da rabhas-[s]a ar an Hnd-si, 
go bhfeaca eitiolachan ^ niamh-dhathach ball-chorcra os mo 
chiond anairde, gur Ungeas da ionnsuighe, agus sul thuirling 
me do rinne ^ aoin-leic oidhridh don Hnd uile, tar mh'eis,^ 

^ This seems a reminiscence of the curious fragment at f. 120, . b . line 30, of ' Lebor 
na h-uidre,' which, so far as I know, has never been printed before : 

Fintan mac Bocra mac lamiach is 6 in tres fer tdnic in erind ria ndilind. Is eside ro 
chomet senchasa iarthair in betha . J . Espdin 7 in Eirind 7 in each conair do deochator 
gondii ar chena. . 1 . hliadain re ndilind 7 . u . c . 7 u. mbliadna iar dilind a aes con- 
erbailt ac diin Tulcha. Feren mac sisten mac lafed mac N<5e is^ ro chomet senchas 
tuascirt in betha iar dilind otha slebi Kip atuaid, etc. . . . Fors. mac Electra mic 
Seth mic Adaim ise ro chomhet senchas asarda o muir Fors in golgotha, etc. . . . 
The fourth Shanachie was 'Annoit mac Ethioir,' etc. Is iat sin in cethror ro chomet 

senchas in betha The tract ends unfinished, the next page being lost. 


Fintan son of Bocra, son of Lamech, he was the third man who came into Ireland 
before the deluge ; it was he who kept the histories of the west of the world, 
namely, Spain and Ireland, and moreover the history of each road which the Gaels 
went. Fifty years before the deluge and five hundred and five years after the deluge 
was his age when he died at Diin Tulcha. Feren mac Sisten, son of Japhet, son of 
Noah, it was he who kept the history of the north of the world after the deluge from the 
Eiphean mountains north, etc. . . . Fors, son of Electra, son of Seth, son of Adam, it 
is he who kept the Assyrian history. . . . These are the four who kept the history 
of the world. 

2 So in my MS. 24, A 3 reads ' an tseab- ' 23, G. 20 reads easb, perhaps * easbal ' or 
* easbog ' is the right reading. The name of the faidh has evidently dropped out. 

* 23, G. 20 reads ' eitioUn.' 

* In modern Irish, especially in parts of Munster, this ' rinne ' has a passive sense 
as here, i.e. ' was made,' ' turned into,' or ' became.' 

^ MSS. read 'tairmh^is.' 


gur ro chongaidh me for san oidhridh sin, go ttainig an 
fiolar dom' ^ ionnsuidhe ar mo fhaicsin do, go ttug sidhe 
sanntach sar-nimhneach orm, gur bhain suil ^ as mo cheann. 
Agus ro badh do m' thruime nar fhead me thogbhail, gur 
theilg an tstiil fa'n lind, agus ro chuireamar araon sparuind 
re cheile gur bhriseamair an t-oidhridh le spreoighiocht ^ na 
sparuinne sin, agus le hiliomad na fola flann-ruadh ag 
teibiorsan 6m' shuil-se, gur briseadh an oidhridh de sin, go 
ndeachas-a fa'n lind ar eigin, gur chailleas mar sin mo shuil, 
agus as dearbh a Leithin,' ar GoU, ' gur b' i sin aon mhaidion 
as measa go mor da bhfeacas-a riamh, occus as measa 'na 
an mhaidiond sin adeir tusa. 

Dala na ccleireach do chomharlighedar re cheile go 
bhfanfaidis re sgeala do bhreith ortha. Gidheadh fuaradar 
an oiread san d'olc agus d'annro d'fhuacht agus d' im- 
shniomh an oidhche sin nar fheadadar fullang re fuireach. 
Agus adubhairt Maolan an cleireach ' guidhim fein an 
Coimhdhe comhachtach agus an Trionoid toghuidhe go ttig 
an fiolar, eadhon Leithin, leis an sgeal do geabh, go Cluain, 
da innsin do Chiaran.' 

Dala Ghoill, air sin ro fhiafruig do Leithin cia chu[i]r 
ag iarraidh na sgeal sin e. 

' An dara h-ean do m'eanaibh fein.' 

' As truagh sin,' ar GoU, ' as mo gur sine e sin na tusa 7 
'na mise leis. Agus ag sin an ti bhain mo shuil asam-sa, agus 
da ma[dh] aill leis na sgeala d'innsin duit-se as do badh usa 
e, agus * ase sin an sean-phreachan Eachlach.^ Acus ro 
mhaoluighedar a ingne le h-arsuigheacht, gurab e as beatha 
dho 6 chuaidh a Itiith 7 a lamhach agus a shalathar fein 
as, eadhon bheith 6 gach neid go cheile ag mucha[dh] agus 
ag marbhadh ealta gacha hein, agus aga ttumailt. Agus da 
bhrigh sin ni bheara tusa beo ar h'eanuibh fein. Agus a 

1 MSS. read 'dam.' 

2 Longan and 23, P. 18, contract this word thus ©. 

3 23, 9, 20 reads ' spreoingeacht ' so far as I can decipher it. 24, A 3 and E. V. 6 
read ' sprednghiocht.' 23, P. 18, reads as in text. 

* ' As ' MS. (?) ' mbreireadh ' read ' de mbeire tusa hed air,' all MSS. 
5 Kect^ 'Ada.' 


charuid ghradhach as fearr do chonarc riamh, da mbeireadh ^ 
tusa beo air, dhul tar ais cuimhnigh ar imir se ort, agus 
dioghail na heain agus t'aisdior agus do thuras air, agus fos 
cuimhnigh mo shuil do dhioghail air.' 

Ceileabhras Leithin do GhoU 7 gluaisios roimhe a bhfrithin 
na conaire cetna, in a reimib ro luatha, oir badh deimhin 
leis na bearadh beo ar a eanaibh na ar [a] adhbhadh. 

Agus ro bhi adhbhar na hegla sin aige, oir ni bhfuair acht 
ait na neide, ar dith a ean, ar n-a n-ithedh do'n phreachan 
Eachlach. Go nach fuair Leithin do tharbha a thosga 
acht easbadh a ean. Agus ro imthig an sean-phreachan 
Eachlach d'eis na foghla sin do dhenamh go nar rug Leithin 
air. Agus ni mo do fheidir ca conaire ina ndeachaid. 

Nidh eile fos, do b'eigin do [Leithin] dul gach Luan tre 
ghuidhe an chleiricc go Cluain. Do ^ chuaidh an Fiolar 
ar bind mhor chluig-tighe Chluana, gur fhoillsigh e fein don 
Naomh earlamh, eadhon Ciaran, go raibh ag fiafruighe sgeala 
dhe. Agus adubhairt Leithin gur^ dhoilge leis 'na sin an 
imtheacht 7 a dheacair fein. 

Annsin adubhairt Ciaran go ttiubhradh logha agus 
sochar a sgealuigheachta do, edhon gach uain do h-inneos- 
daoi a eachtra da madh doisoineann no fearthaind diomhor 
do bhiadh an tan sin ann, a thurnamh a soininn agus a 

Agus adubhairt Leithin gur ro thuigeadh do nach iat 
na h-eain na an adhbhadh do gheabhadh uadha, agus 6 
nach iat, gur mhaith leis gan a thuras na [a] aistear do dhul 
a n-aisge. Agus innisios Leithin a imthechta 6 thus go 
deireadh,^ amhuil adubhramair reomhaind. Gonab i sin 
Eachtra Leithin, go nuige sin. 


1 ' Da mbreireadh (sic) ortsa bed ' my MS. 

2 MSS. read ' mar,' which seems awkward. 

2 One would expect * ndr,' or else to read ' gur dhoilge leis sin " na " a imtheacht, 
etc., fein. 

* All the MSS. except mine add here the words ' gur sgribomwr mar a fuuramar 
reomhainn iad acht muna ndearnamar focal dearmaid.' 




By Alexander Carmichael 

{Continued from p. 54.) 

South Uist 

The Island of South Uist forms an oblong, with a range 
of high hills on one side, and long level low-lying moors and 
machairs dotted with shallow lakes on the other side. The 
people live on this side. In the time of the Clanranalds, 
the crofters had the hills for their sheep and cattle, and 
they say that they were very comfortable. Since then the 
greater and better part of the machair has been cleared of 
crofters, and their townlands converted into large farms, 
with the whole of the hills added thereto. Some of the 
evicted people were chased among the hills, caught, tied, 
and shipped like felons to Canada, against which the 
Canadian press of the day raised a strong protest. 

The rest of the evicted crofters were thrust in here and 
there among the other crofters, who were made to share 
their rocks and morasses with them. And there they are 
— ' Na biastan mora 'g itheadh na biastan beaga, agus na 
biastan beaga deanamh mar a dh' fhaodas iad' — The big 
beasts eating up the little beasts, and the little beasts 
struggling as best they can — ' the survival of the fittest.' 

One acquainted with these islands is struck with the 
coincidence, that the large farms are made from the best 
farming lands, while the crofters are huddled together, 
generally among rocks and bogs. No crofters have, how- 
ever, been removed for the present highly respected and 
intelligent tacksmen of the Long Island. 

When the crofters had the hills, they migrated to them 
every summer season with their flocks. They remained 
in the hills till their com was ripe for shearing when they 


and their cattle returned to the townland. Apart from 
the benefit derived by the flocks from the change of 
grass, the grass at ' home ' thus left free was of inestim- 
able advantage to the stock during autumn and winter* 
The stock needed but little house feeding, and that mostly 
during spring. 

The crofters say that the change from the low-lying 
plains to the bracing air of the hills was of benefit to 
themselves, and that as a consequence complaints common 
among them now were unknown. They talk with delight 
of the benefit derived in mind, body, and substance from 
their life among the hills. I entirely agree with them, and 
believe that these shrewd people are quite equal to their 

There is one place of which the old people speak with 
particular favour. This is the factor's farm of Ormacleit, 
out at the mouth of Lochaoineart, and at a place called 
Airi-nam-ban, the ' shealing of the women.' There had 
been a religious house here in the olden times, and from 
this circumstance the place is named. 

These holy sisters had always the good taste to select 
or get selected for them the best situations for their dwell- 
ings. This place is no exception. One of the many beauti- 
ful descriptions of a beautiful place, in the old Gaehc tales, 
runs thus — 

Grianan-aluinn aona chrainn, 
Air chul gaoithe, air aodan greine, 
Far am faicamaid an saoghal uile, 
'S far nach faiceadh duin' idir sinn. 

A lovely summer shealing of one tree, 
Behind the wind, in front of the sun. 
Where we could see the world all, 
But where no man could us see. 

Here the good nuns had such a place to their hearts' desire. 
Behind rises Benmore 2030 feet high, the base of it wind- 
ing round this beautiful spot, and sheltering it from the west, 
north, and east. In front is the Minch and the sea away 

VOL. X. K 



as far as the eye can reach beyond Coll and Tiree, dotted 

with white sails bending in various directions. On the left 

is Skye, with the snow-capped Coolin Hills, their serrated 

peaks piercing the ever-changing clouds ; while ranged 

away to the south are the hills of Arasaig, Ardnamurchan, 

and of Mull, in the foreground of which lie, stretched in 

broken chain, the peaks of the Small Isles and the low-lying 

islands of Coll and Tiree. Right below this beautiful 

summer shealing are ivy-clad sea precipices of great height, 

the home of the king of birds — righ nan ian, the golden 

eagle. The fine anchorage, close below to the right, is the 

sporting ground of varieties of fish. The bent back of the 

old man who first spoke of this place to me straightened 

up, the dim blue eyes, which had seen the changes of 

ninety-nine years, sparkled with light, and the weak voice 

trembled with animation as he graphically described the 

place to me, and the joyous life they lived at the shealing 


In life's morning march, when his bosom was young. 

The smoke of the whole people, nuns and all, now ascends 
through the chimney of a single shepherd. 

Highlanders are essentially musical. Of old they had 
songs for all the avocations in which they engaged, particu- 
larly for love, war, and the chase. Many of these are 
beautiful — all are chaste. They had labour songs, with 
which they accompanied themselves in rowing, shearing, 
spinning, fulling, milking, and in grinding at the quern. If 
they sing less now, their silence is due to repression from 

The tendency of modern cultured life is to have prayers 
and hymns for special occasions. These old people, whom 
it is the fashion for those who know them least to condemn, 
had special prayers and special hymns for every occasion. 

Correctly speaking, the hymns and prayers were one, 
the prayers being rendered into rhyme to help the memory. 
There was a special prayer on going to sea, a special prayer 
on going to the shealing, a special prayer for resting the 


&e at night, for kindling it in the morning, for lying down 
at night, for rising up in the morning, for taking food, for 
•going in search of sheep, cattle, and of horses, for setting 
out to travel, and for other occasions. 

These hymns having been asked for by members of the 
Commission during their Inquiry, a few are given at the 
end of this paper. 

Lying across the north end of South Uist proper, and 
separated by a ford nearly a mile wide, is the Island of Ben- 
becula — Beinn-nam-faothla — ' hill of the fords.' Stretch- 
ing out from the south end of the island, and across the 
east end of the Sound of Barra, is the rocky island of Eirisgey 
whereon Prince Charles landed from France when he came 
to claim the crown of his fathers in 1745. These islands 
are in the parish of South Uist. 

On a rock above water-mark is a sandy knoll whereon 
he scattered, on landing, the seed of a Convolvulus major. 
The seed grew, and the plant has spread over the place. 
The flower is pink, with a mauve tinge, and is very pretty. 
A patriotic gentleman from Harris, Dr. Eobert Stewart, 
built a wall round Coilleag a Phrionns, the ' Knoll of the 
Prince,' as the place is called. 

Seven miles north from the south end of South Uist, 
at Airi-mhuiUinn — the ' MiU Shealing ' — are the ruins of the 
house where Flora Macdonald was born. In the neigh- 
bourhood is a boulder where she met the Prince by appoint- 
ment when she undertook to take him to Skye. Should 
not these places be marked and held sacred for all time 
coming ? 

Six miles further north is Houghbeag, where was born 
Neil Macdonald father of Marshal Macdonald, Duke of 
Tarentum. This tribe of the Macdonalds is locally called 
Mac Eachain. Neil Mac Eachain was the son of a small 
farmer at Houghbeag. He had been educated for the priest- 
hood, but did not take orders. He had been schoolmaster 
for the parish and was acting as tutor in the family of Clan- 
ranald, when Lady Clanranald sent him to Skye with Flora 



Macdonald and her Irish spinning maid ' Betty Burke,' the 

Neil Macdonald or Mac Eachain, for the patronymic was 
used quite as commonly as the clan surname, followed the 
Prince to France. He married, and his son entering the 
army, rose to the rank of Marshal of France and Duke of 

In 1825 Marshal Macdonald came to South Uist to see 
his relations. On coming in sight of the river, near which 
his father was born, he raised his arm, and exclaimed, ' That 
is the River of Hough. I know it from my father's descrip- 
tion. Many a salmon my father killed there.' On meet- 
ing his blind old uncle, he embraced him affectionately, and 
granted him and his daughter an annuity, and gave to 
various other relatives sums of money. 

He took potatoes with him from the garden his father's 
father had had, and earth from the floor of the house wherein 
his father had been bom. This earth was, by his orders, put 
into his coffin when he died. He parted with his relatives 
with many mutual regrets. That was a great day in 
Houghbeag ! 

Right across the hills from Houghbeag, after a two hours 
walk, is Corradal, in which is the small cave where Prince 
Charles lived in hiding, fo choill, ' under the wood,' as 
the people say, for six weeks. The cave is in the face of a 
rock on the north side of a narrow glen. 

Chambers says that about ninety persons knew that 
the Prince was in Corradal. He might safely have said 
nine hundred — yet no one attempted to betray him. The 
place was full of crofters then, though there are none now 
within many miles. The Rev. John Macaulay, grand- 
father to Lord Macaulay, was minister in the parish at the 



Angus Henderson 

Stern, rocky, and somewhat uninteresting Ardnamurchan 
undoubtedly is when viewed from the sea. Its coast-Hne 
consists for the most part of tall, grey, jutting cliffs, its 
inland spaces look flat, drab and monotonous, and, in most 
cases, its slopes and gorges are almost entirely free from 
sylvan embellishments. Thus it appears to the tourist who 
sails round its bluff and captious headland. 

On landing, however, one finds an instant change coming 
over the spirit of the dream. The hills, especially those to 
the west, consist of palaeozoic rocks, with a carpeting of 
very fine pastoral soil. They are singularly green and 
shapely, and the straths and valleys singularly sweet and 
fertile. Much of the seaboard consists of well-cultivated 
arable land. In summer the place is rich in lovely land- 
scapes and seascapes, and affords, on its north side, sunsets 
of surpassing beauty. Its people are very courteous, hospi- 
table and intelligent, and speak the old language with great 
purity and much grammatical precision.' It is the region, 
2)ar excellence, of poetry and romance, of tale and legend, of 
battered keeps and interesting antiquarian remains. In the 
remote past it was the scene of many stirring incidents, and 
there can still be pointed out many fields and moorland 
tracts where historical encounters took place among rival 

As was the case with the greater part of the West High- 
lands, Ardnamurchan was, for many centuries, the subject 
of frequent strife and repeated conquests. Of these con- 
quests ample evidence is still available in the place-names 
of the district. There can be little doubt that the country 
was once peopled by some branch of the ancient Briton or 
Pictish race. In the sixth century there was an influx of 



Scots from Ireland, and there is good groiind for believing 
that Ardnamurchan, as well as the major portion of the terri- 
tory now known as Argyllshire, was occupied by the ac- 
quisitive Dalriads. The neighbouring island of lona was 
granted by one of the alien ' kings ' or chiefs to St. Columba, 
and proof can be adduced that the gifted missionary and 
his friends paid many visits to Ardnamurchan and traversed 
it from end to end. Tradition associates a spring at Ard- 
slignish with one of these pilgrimages, and it still goes by the 
name of Tobar Chaluim Chille (St. Columba's Well). An 
elevated ridge high up the hill separating Ockle from Gorten- 
fern is known as Suidhe FMonain (St. Finnan's Seat) ; and 
it is a curious fact that from this spot a view is obtainable 
of that beautiful broom-clad island in Loch Shiel where this 
colleague of St. Columba (as he is supposed to have been) 
shortly afterwards founded a church. The island still bears 
St. Finnan's name, and it may be mentioned that a square 
bronze bell, old as the days of Calum Cille, still rests on the 
altar slab of its ruined chapel. The assumption is that 
St. Finnan landed at Kilchoan, and, in making his way 
towards Loch Shiel, sat down to rest on the commanding 
eminence above Gorten. In the enchanting and much- 
embracing panorama in front, he caught a glimpse for the 
first time of Loch Shiel and its fair green island. There 
and then he resolved to make it the centre of his missionary 
operations. St. Finnan is called of ' Swords in Leinster,' 
and was latterly a leper, taking the infection for penance. 
Another hill reminiscent of Dalriadic sway in Ardnamurchan 
is Suidhe Mhic Dhiarmaid (son of Diarmid's Seat), between 
Fascadale and Kilchoan. Diarmid is said to have died 
about the year 550. Irrespective of place-names we have 
it on the written authority of Adamnan that the Irish immi- 
grants had the freedom of Ardnamurchan, the place being 
repeatedly mentioned by the illustrious biographer. 

Early in the ninth century a new disturbing force 
appeared and asserted itself along the western seaboard. 
The Norwegian Vikings found their way thither ; and, for 


upwards of four hundred years, held sway from Caithness 
to the south of Scotland, and even to the Isle of Man and 
DubUn. Ardnamurchan did not escape their attentions, 
and it is clear that they made themselves very much at 
home in its secluded glens and along its white, sandy 

Among notable Norsemen, the two of whom we have the 
earliest information were Ketil Flatnefr (the flat-nosed) of 
Raumsdal, and Olaf the White of the Norwegian uplands. 
Olaf married a daughter of Ketil, and, taking to piracy, 
conquered Dublin and the surrounding country. There he 
naturally took up his abode, giving himself the style and 
designation of ' king.' Ketil was also a sea-robber, but,, 
for a long time, he continued to make Raumsdal his home 
and headquarters. Political troubles in his own country 
forced him, however, to make a grand trek with all his 
kindred. The adventurous band decided to ' go westward 
over the sea,' for they ' liked it well there.' The resolution 
was put into effect, and in due time the worthy chief and his 
followers settled down in Scotland. By the Hebrideans, 
Ketil was called Caittil Fin, and it is known that he died 
somewhere in the west of Scotland. It has been suggested 
that his burial-place is the stone circle, Greideal Fhinn 
(Fingal's Griddle), situated at Ormsaigmore, and still in a 
good state of preservation. In connection with sepulchres 
the word greideal introduces a puzzling element. Some 
ingenious antiquaries have twisted it to creathall (cradle)^ 
but they have succeeded only in shifting the difficulty 
without removing it. It is, therefore, better to adhere to 
the time-honoured form of greideal. It has often occurred 
to me that the perplexing word might be simply Caittil, the 
first part of the ancient hero's cognomen. The name might 
originally have been, say, Cladh Chaittil Fhinn. In the 
process of time an abbreviation might be naturally effected 
by dropping the first word, the other two being retained 
and gradually converted into their present-day shape. My 
proposition, I confess, leads farther than is warranted into 


the field of speculation, but there can be little harm in 
putting it forth for what it is worth. ^ 

It was in the twelfth century that there appeared on the 
scene a chief of the old native race — Celtic or Scot — who 
set himself the task of vindicating and restoring the glory 
and rights of the people to which he belonged. It was the 
renowned Somerled, and such were his energy and talents 
that the native inhabitants promptly accepted him as their 
natural leader. It was in the region comprising Ardna- 
murchan and Morvern that he struck his first effective blow 
and inflicted a somewhat crushing defeat on the Norwegians 
living on either side of Loch Sunart. Somerled followed up 
his success so well that he made himself master of a large 
part of Argyll, assuming the title of Regulus, or Lord of the 
Isles. He speedily attained to much power and influence, 
and had few rivals among the chiefs of Scotland. He 
married in 1140 Ragnhildis, daughter of Olaf the Red, Nor- 
wegian king of the Isles. This Olaf was murdered, fourteen 
years later, by his nephews, and was succeeded by his son, 
Crodred the Black. With the new king Somerled was soon 
at war, their family relationship being incapable of curbing 
their racial antipathy. A bloody battle in which they 
engaged in 1156 was indecisive in its result, and, soon after- 
wards, both parties found it expedient to enter into a 
peace treaty. In terms of this agreement Godred ceded to 
Somerled and his sons all the isles south of Ardnamurchan 
except Man, retaining for himself that island, the peninsula 
of Ardnamurchan and all the islands north of Ardna- 
murchan Point. This arrangement accounts for the fact 
that, down to the third quarter of the thirteenth century, 
Norwegian chiefs continued in successive occupation of this 

1 Some four years ago Mr. Symington Grieve made a careful survey of the 
megalithic chambers in question, and his very exhaustive report was printed in the 
Transactions (1910-11) of the Edinburgh Field Naturalists' and Microscopical Society. 
His general conclusion was that 'in all likelihood the Greidell got its name from 
being associated in some way unknown to us with the great Celtic hero, Finn 
MacCumhail.' Mr. Grieve does not claim, however, that on this particular point 
the available evidence is very convincing. 


district. It was about this time — in 1266, to be exact — 
that there was concluded a treaty by which Norway finally 
ceded its rights in the Western Isles to the Crown of Scot- 
land. Four years later Muchdragan was slain in a manner 
that I shall describe farther on. He was Mac Righ Loch- 
luinn, and Ardnamurchan was his patrimony. On the 
death of this magnate, following as it did the abandonment 
of the King of Norway's claims, Angus Mor of Isla sent a 
goodly force headed by his son John, known as Iain Sprang- 
ach (the bold), to take possession of Ardnamurchan. John 
was successful in his expedition and ejected the Norwegian 
settlers. With the help of his father, who was not without 
influence at court, he obtained a grant of the territory by 
royal charter ; and his descendants, under the clan name of 
Maclain, continued to hold it until the beginning of the 
seventeenth century. 

I have traced these historical events because a know- 
ledge of the successive settlements is essential if an intel- 
ligent endeavour is to be made to find the derivation of the 
local place-names. In view of the long period in which 
Ardnamurchan was under Norwegian dominance, it is not 
surprising to find that many of its appellations are immis- 
takably Norse in origin. Those that are of a Pictish brand 
are very few. An outstanding — I might almost say a dis- 
tinguishing — feature of the names here is that their grammar 
is excellent, if not quite perfect. To judge this point one 
must be conversant with the local renderings, and not rely 
on those given in survey maps and some other printed 

The ancient and poetical name of Ardnamurchan is 
Rioghachd na Sorcha — the Kingdom of Sorcha — but no one 
seems to be capable of hazarding even a conjecture of the 
origin or meaning of the high-sounding phrase. It was pro- 
bably coined by bardic licence, and used exclusively for 
bardic purposes. Even the present name — Ardnamurchan 
— has always been a hard nut for etymologists to crack, 
and, to the present day, they offer an opinion with con- 


siderable reserve. Nevertheless, there is at our disposal 
quite a large number of very creditable postulations from 
which to make a selection. 

The name is wholly Gaelic, and its first two parts present 
no difficulty. Aird is the height, and nam is the genitive 
plural of the article. The remaining parts, murchan, have 
been variously interpreted as mor chuan (great seas) ; muir 
chon (sea-hounds, an old Gaelic name for whales) ; muirchol 
(the hazel sea, col being the old form of calltunn) ; muirchol 
(the sea of Coll island, a member of the Inner Hebrides 
separated from Ardnamurchan by about ten miles) ; and 
murdhuchan (mermaids, sea-nymphs or syrens). ' The 
height of the great seas ' is, probably, the most common and 
popular solution of the problem, and ' the height of the 
mermaids ' is favoured by Dr. H. Cameron Gillies. The 
sea-hazel idea originated with Bishop Reeves, and received 
the approval and sanction of Dr. Alexander MacBain on 
the ground that ' there is no personal name of the form 
murchoV It must be stated, however, that the local con- 
ditions give little support to the ingenious theory of Dr. 
Reeves. It is not probable that hazel predominated in the 
ancient woods of Ardnamurchan. It was, certainly, fairly 
plentiful, as were also oak, rowan, alder, ash, elm, willow 
and other exogenous varieties. The copses most freely dis- 
tributed in this region were of birch ; and, if the name was 
to have a sylvan significance, the abundant birch would pro- 
bably be favoured in preference to the scanty ha ':el. Further 
than to raise this objection I refrain from offering any opinion 
on a thorny and rather vexing subject. 

Two of the oldest ways of writing the name were Artda- 
muirchol and Artdaib Muirchol, described as a ' rough and 
stony district.' Other forms were Ardenmurich (1293), 
Ardnamurchin (1307), Ardnamurcho (1478), Ardnamur- 
quhse (1494), Ardnamvrchane (1515), Ardnamurquhan 
(1519), and Ardnamorquhay (1550). 


Townland Names. 

AcARSAiD (Gaelic, Acairseid) is port, haven, anchorage, 
and is appropriate. 

AcHATENY (G. Acha-teine), the field of fire. 

AcHNAHA (G. Acha-na-h-atha), the field of the ford, the 
ford being on the rather large stream known as Allt Uamha 
na Muice. 

AcHOSNiCH (G. Ach'-osnaich), the field of sighing. 

Aharacle, not Acharacle as given in Post Ofiice 
publications and documents (G. Ath-tharracaill), the ford 
of Torquil. The ford alluded to is on the river Shiel, 
which flows in front of this townland and separates it 
from Moss, Moidart. The Rev. Charles MacDonald, author 
of Moidart, or Among the Clanranalds, writing in 1886, 
stated : ' In Moidart we have a tradition that the Nor- 
wegians, who were pursued by Somerled, made a stand by 
the river-side, just below Aharacle Manse, and that their 
leader, Torquil, was slain there — hence the derivation of 
Aharacle — Ath Torquil, Torquil's ford.' The ford is still 
extant, and, I believe, used occasionally as necessity arises. 
A fine bridge now spans the river in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood. It will be noted that Father MacDonald did 
not comply with the Post Office form of spelling. 

AuLTBEA (G. Allt-beithe), birch-stream, not an un- 
common name in the West Highlands. 

Ardslignish (G. Aird-sleiginnis), the height of the shel- 
tered valley frequented of cattle and abounding in shells. 
The name is every way apt and suitable. There is a height, 
and at its foot, to the east, a wooded valley bending round 
a pretty creek, the foreshore of which makes a brave display 
of various kinds of shells. Dr. Gillies believes that ' the 
Norsemen must have kept the Gaelic name and added their 
neSy or the natives must have become so familiar with the 
Norse tongue as to have fixed the nes themselves.' I admit 
that the nes would fit quite well from a geographical stand- 
point, for Ardslignish has a well-defined headland. On the 



other hand, I can perceive no occasion for classifying the 
name as a hybrid, when the Gaelic innis applies quite as 
well as the foreign nes. It may be observed that the former 
word is used somewhat freely in Ardnamurchan to denote, 
not an island, but a sheltered valley, a field to graze cattle 
in, a pasture, or a resting-place for cattle. The old town- 
lands of Innis nam Feorag, on the shore of Loch Sunart, 
and An Innis Dubh, on the shore of Camus na Lighe, are 
not insular, but both are sheltered, woody and grassy. The 
skerries. An t-Sleigneach Bheag and An t-Sleigneach Mhor, 
lie ex adverso of Ardslignish. 

Ardtoe (G. Aird-to), a hybrid of Gaelic dird, height, and 
Norse haugr, a ' howe ' or burial-place. 

Arivegaig (G. Airidh-bheagaig), cf. the personal name 
Beagan (masc), the shelling of the little stream. 

Braehouse (G. Bra'-h-abhsa) has been summarily dis- 
missed by persons taking the survey map as their guide by 
designating it as new and English, ' the house of the hill.' 
There is, however, every reason to conclude that it is old 
and Gaelic. Close at hand there rushes past a turbulent 
little stream which was called An t-Abhsadh, or the erratic. 
Locally, abhsadh means a sudden deviation or the act of 
going off at a tangent, as well as the down-haul of a sail or 
slackening. Braehouse means simply the head of this bum. 

Branault (G. Bra'-nan-aUt), the head of the streams. 

BuARBLAic (G. Buarblaig) is, perhaps, more difficult to 
account for than any other name in the district. The sug- 
gestion has been made that it might consist of three Norse 
words, borg+bol+vik, meaning ' fort-steading-bay.' This 
derivation seems, however, to be a trifle farfetched. 

Caim (G. a' Chaim), the bend. One authority, finding 
this name given on a survey map as Camphouse, has listed 
it as new and English. Locally it is not Camphouse in any 
language, and I cannot believe that it is modem. 

Camusinnes (G. Camus- Aonghais), the bay of Angus. 
To whom the personal name applied cannot even be con- 


Camus nan Geall (G. Camus-nan-geall) is probably 
camus, bay, nan, of the, ceall, churches or cells. One can 
readily fancy that it would form an ideal retreat for a monk. 
It possesses a very pretty bay and suitable landing-place, 
a sandy beach of great loveliness, and a stretch of arable 
land extremely level and fertile and with an area of about 
ten acres. Almost in the very centre of this goodly field is 
an ancient burial-ground, called Cladh Chiarain, with the 
remains of a caibeal (chapel). It is said to have been long 
the burial-place of the Campbells of Lochnell, who acquired 
the Ardnamurchan estate about the middle of the seven- 
teenth century. It contains two or three finely carved 
tombstones, and these, apart from weathering, are in an 
excellent state of preservation. Dr. Gillies states that 
Camus nan Geall 'should clearly be Camus nan Gall, the 
bay of strangers, the Norsemen, no doubt.' I cannot 
accept this view. In Ardnamurchan, the 'e' of geall, ceall 
and similar words serves a further purpose than that of 
giving the preceding consonant its slender articulation. It 
is really sounded, and in the diphthong ' ea ' is not the less 
stressed of the two elements. Recognising its self-assertive- 
ness, it is almost incredible that it should be permitted to 
find its way into such a word as gall, Cf. Loch nan Ceall, 

Camustorsa (G. Camus-torsa) is camus, bay, and thjorsa, 
bull water. In the parish of Kilbrandon there is Torsa 
Island (Eilean Thorsaidh). 

Cladh Chatain (G. Cladh-chatain), the cemetery of 
Catan or Chatten. This personal name was borne by a 
chief of the Irish Picts, a friend of Comgall and Cainneach, 
and founder of a monastery at Kingarth, Bute. Cladh 
Chatain is marked by a tall, slender monolith of natural 
rock, of the kind known locally as guraban, 

CoRRiE-CHRAic (G. Coire-chraic), a hybrid, coire, hollow 
(Gaelic) and kraka, crow (Norse), the hollow of the crow. * 

CoRRiEVULLiN (G. Coirc-mhuilinn), the corrie or hollow of 
the mill. It was here that Alexander MacDonald, Mac 


Mhaighstir Alasdair, taught a school, and in the immediate 
neighbourhood is ' Allt an t-Siucair ' (the Sugar Brook) 
which formed the subject of one of his finest compositions. 

CuLORNE (G. Cuil-Eadhrain), the nook of Eadhran. 
The second part is probably a personal name. The place 
adjoins Cladh Chatain (see above), and Eadhran may have 
also belonged to the Irish Picts. 

CuiLOWEN (G. Cuil-eoghainn), the nook of Ewen. This 
Ewen may have been the Eoghann Cleireach referred to 
further on under HiU Names (Cam Mhuchdragain). The 
place is on the east side of Ben Hiant and Cam Mhuchd- 
ragain on the north-west, and the distance separating them 
does not exceed a couple of miles. 

Elgadale (G. Eilgeadal), noble dale; elg, noble, and 
dalr, dale. Dr. Gillies gives elJc+dalr. A somewhat exten- 
sive valley situated on the sea-board between Ockle and 
Gortenfem, Elgadale was never a separate townland, but 
the name is here noted as being of some intrinsic interest. 

EiGNEiG (G. Eigneig), oak bay, from Norse eik, oak, and 
vik, bay. 

Fascadale (G. Faisgeadal), field of the ship, from Norse 
aska, ship, and dalr, dale. The name fits the place, for it 
has a bay which is, with one exception, the safest and best 
on the north coast of Ardnamurchan. Norse fauskr, a dry 
log dug out of the earth, has also been suggested as a base. 

GiRGADALE (G. Girgeadal), the field of gravel, from Norse 
grjot, gravel, and dalr, field. As a river name the first element 
is classical in the Cumberland form, Greta. In Lewis there 
is the river Creed — a' Ghriota. 

Glenborrodale (G. Gleann-borrodail), the field of the 
fort town, from Norse borg, fort, and dalr, field. This is 
the derivation set forward by Dr. Gillies, who adds : ' The 
survey, or some wise person, thought that Borrodale was 
some great man, after whom the place was named, and they 
here marked his grave. Borrodale was not, however, a man, 
but the fine Borg-ar-dale, the castle-dale, the " larach " of 
which may be seen there to the present day as the Caisteal 



Breac, or grey castle.' It is recorded, however, in a certain 
Norwegian Saga that, in the battle fought by the men of 
Morvern and Ardnamurchan, headed by the great Somerled, 
a, Norwegian chief named Borradill was counted among the 
killed. It is assumed by many, not unreasonably, that it 
was he who gave his name to Glenborrodale. 

Glendrain (G. Gleann-an-draighinn), the glen of the 
thorn, briar or bramble. 

GoRTENEORNA (G. Goirtean-eorna), the cornfield of 
barley. Goirtean is from Gaelic gart, corn, and is allied to 
English garden and Norse gardhr. 

GoRTENFERN (G. Goirtean-fearna), the cornfield of alder. 
See Gorteneoma. 

Glenmore (G. an Gleann-mor) and Glenbeg (G. an 
Gleann-beag), the big glen and the small glen. 

GoBSHEALACH (G. an Gob-seileach), the beak or point 
of willows. 

Innis (G. Innis-nam-feorag), the dell or valley of 
squirrels. The name is appropriate, for, to this day, the 
place, which is not an island, is well wooded and a favourite 
habitat of the frisky little quadrupeds. See Ardslignish. 

KiLCHOAN (G. Cill-chomhain), the church of St. Congan 
(later Comhghan). The ecclesiastic here alluded to took up 
his headquarters in the district of Lochalsh about 673, and 
began planting churches all along the West Coast. He is 
celebrated not only in Ardnamurchan, but also in Kil- 
brandon and Glenelg. He was the special patron of the 
old Glengarry family, and, among feast-days, was assigned 
the 13th July. His sister was Kentigerna, mother of Fillan 
(Paolan, little wolf), whose name is attached to more than 
one locality in Perthshire. Kentigerna is also commemo- 
rated on S. side of Loch Duich. 

KiLMORY (G. Cill-mhoire), the church of St. Mary. It 
has a cemetery, beHeved to be extremely old, in which are 
to be seen two interesting tombstones, which bear tokens 
of great age. They are both recumbent ; and, while one 
bears the rough figure of a sword, the other is beautifully 


carved in horse-shoe designs. There is, also, to be seen a 
rectangular block of stone, a couple of feet long, and show- 
ing on its upper surface a depression shaped hke the inside 
of a bowl. The gouging has been executed with geometrical 
precision. The stone is locally known as An Tobar Baistidh, 
the christening font, and there is an erroneous belief that it is 
never quite dry. In the immediate vicinity is an eminence 
called Druim na Croise, the ridge of the cross, and a spring 
called Tobar Mdiri (St. May's Well). 

Kentra (G. Ceann-tra), the head of the beach or bay. 

Laga (G. Laga), a hollow, from Norse Idgr, low, and 
ey, an island. 

LiATHADAiR (G. Liathadair), the grey grove. 

MiNGARY (G. Miongairidh) is regarded by all authorities 
as more or less a poser. It must be pointed out that the 
sound ' ng ' does not belong to Gaelic, and that whenever it 
occurs it is an importation. Mingary is really Mioghairidh 
(Mewar, 1493), Meary (1505), and Mengarie (1496). Dr. 
MacBain was of opinion that the word here prefixed was 
Norse mikil, great, whose accusative is mikinn, mikla, and 
mikit in the three genders. The Norse gardhr, a garth or 
house and yard, is represented in the western islands and 
on the mainland by its diminutive gerdhi, Baile mor, or 
big townland, would suit the case, for Mingary Castle was 
always the seat of the Ardnamurchan chiefs. The name is 
met with in Moidart and Benbecula. 

OcKLE (G. Ochdal) is probably Pictish. It is derived 
from uchel, high, a designation which its dark hiUs and the 
rugged banks of its river would undoubtedly merit. Uchel 
enters into the names of the Ochil Hills, Ochiltree and Oykel 
river. Dr. Gillies accords Ockle a Norse origin, ok, a yoke, 
and dalr, a field. 

Ormsaigbeg (G. Ormsaig-bheag) and Ormsaigmore (G. 
Ormsaig-mhor) are from Norse ormr, a snake or serpent, 
and vik, a bay, serpent-bay. The Gaehc bheag and mhor 
were added for the sake of expediency. Dr. Gillies is quite 
wrong in stating that ' Ormsaig ' is masculine. 


Plocaig (G. Plocaig) is apparently a hybrid, consisting 
of Gaelic ploc, a lump, and Norse vik, a bay, the bay of the 
lump. The floe is probably the huge, rocky, square-cut 
promontory — a' Charraig — immediately to the north of the 
little bay. 

PoRTUAiRK (G. Port-uairce) is believed to mean the 
muddy bay (Norse saur, mud, and vik, bay). Port is re- 
dundant, and its introduction is probably modern. An 
alternative derivation is fort shohhrag, the bay of little prim- 
roses. I prefer this definition, for (a) the bay is not muddy, 
and (b) the surrounding fields and meadows, especially 
those lying to the east, abound in primroses and a great 
variety of beautiful flowers, all in their proper season. 

Salen (G. Sailean), sea pond, from sail, sea or salt water, 
and linne, pond. The inner reaches of Kilchoan Bay are 
termed Sailean Chill-chdmhain, 

Sanna (G. Sana). The place takes its name, which is 
thoroughly Norse, from an islet lying off its shore. It is 
made up of sandr, sand, and ey, an island. 

Shielfoot (G. Bun-na-h-abhunn) is self-explanatory. 

Skinid (G. Sginid) is from the Norse skith, tablet, log. 
The place is elevated, flat and level. In the parish of 
Tongue there is Skinid, in Caithness there is a parish 
Skinnet, and in Iceland there is Skinnistadr. 

SwORDLE (Suardail) is Norse in both its elements. 
Sward is a grassy surface of land, and dalr is a field. The 
name is singularly appropriate, for, the formation being 
limestone, the meadows and uplands offer the greenest and 
richest pasture. A possible derivation is the Norse saudhr,. 
sheep, but I consider it less probable than sward. Dr. 
Gillies offers the Norse word svartr, black, but it is speedily 
put out of court by even a casual glance of the locality. 

Tarbert (G. Tairbeart), roughly translated an isthmus,, 
from tar, across, and hert, carry. 

ToMACHROCHAiR (G. Tom-a'-chrochair), executioner's 
hill. It is situated within less than a mile of Mingary Castle, 
and, before hereditary jurisdiction was abolished, a gallow- 

VOL. X. L 


hill was a necessary adjunct to almost every Highland 
stronghold. In survey maps it is wrongly printed ' Tom a' 

Hills and Mountains, 

The majority of the names have only to be uttered, and 
their meaning is quite clear to any Gaelic person. They 
are mostly if not exclusively Gaelic. 

A' Bheinn Bhuidhe (Achosnich and Glenmore), is the 
yellow hill; Bealach a' Bhearnais (should probably be 
' Bealach-a'-bhearnaidh '), the pass of the notch ; Beinn an 
Leothaid, the broad hill, or rather the hill of breadth ; 
Beinn na Losgainn, toad hill ; a' Bheinn Bhreac, the 
speckled hill ; Beinn Laga, Laga hill ; Beinn na h-Imeilt, 
hill of many streams ; Beinn nan Ord (singularly rich in 
iron ore), hill of hammers ; Beinn nan Sealg, hill of hunts ; 
Beinn na h-Urchrach, hill of the shot, the cast or the 
throw ; Beinn Shianta (English, Ben Hiant), charmed or 
blessed moimtain ; CIrn a' Bhalbhain, the dummy's 
cairn ; Carn M(5r, the big cairn. 

CIrn Mhuchdragain is named after a Norwegian chief, 
to whom reference has already been made. The story of 
his connection with the hill here denominated was given 
anonymously and very correctly in the Ohan Times of 15th 
February 1902, and I take the liberty of reproducing it, 
word for word : ' Just at the time when the power of the 
Norwegian Crown was relaxing its hold on the West — as 
nearly as we can judge about the year 1270 — Ardnamurchan 
was still under the rule of a Norwegian chief of the name 
of Muchdragan Mac Righ Lochluinn, one of whose vassals, 
Evun Cleireach, lived near the foot of Ben Hiant. Muchd- 
ragan sent notice to Evun that he was about to pay a visit 
to his house. Evim surmised that the visit was due to the 
beauty of his wife, and, dreading the advent of his despotic 
superior, resolved, as his only means of safety, to kiU his 
oppressor. Alone and armed only with his tuaghairm, or 
short battle-axe, he contrived, casuaUy as it were, to meet 


Muchdragan on the path along the north side of Ben Hiant. 
What passed between them is not told, but suddenly Evun 
hurled his axe with such precision that it sank into the 
Norseman's head, and, turning on the instant, he fled up a 
gully of the lower hill, closely pursued by Muchdragan' s 
followers. As they neared the top, the foremost grasped 
E vim's dress, but it was light and loosely sewn, having been 
purposely made so as not to impede his movements. The 
garment gave way in the grasp of the pursuer, who fell back 
and upset his comrades as they struggled up the steep 
behind him. Profiting by the start so obtained, Evim 
gained the shore at CorrievuUin, where he had already 
placed his family in waiting with a six-oared boat, and, 
shoving off, plied oars and sail until he reached Isla and 
sought the protection of the Earl there, Angus Mor. The 
hollow up which Evun fled is still called Glac na Toire — 
the hollow of pursuit — and the lower hill itself Beinn na 
h-Urchrach, the hill of the cast or throw. The cairn — still 
visible — where the Norwegian was killed is called Cam 
Mhuchdragain ; and the spot where Evun gained his con- 
cealed boat is Sgur Chuil Eoghainn, the rock of the nook of 
Evun.' The incident is narrated precisely to the same effect 
by Mr. Hector Rose MacKenzie (see Celtic Magazine, vol. ix. 
p. 488). 

Creag an Airgid, silver rock. How the hill came to be 
associated with the argentine metal is not known. It was 
the scene in 1519 of a fierce battle between Sir Donald of 
Lochalsh aided by Alexander of Isla, on one side, and John 
Maclain of Ardnamurchan, on the other. The Maclains 
were defeated with great slaughter, the chief and two of his 
sons, John of Sunart and Angus, being among the slain. The 
spots where tradition says these three are buried can yet 
be identified on a knoll close imder the south-west side of 
Craig an Airgid and near the old march between the farms 
of Kilchoan and Glendrain. The followers who fell are 
buried a Httle more to the south, at a place which can also 
be pointed out. 



Creag and Lobain, the craig of the basket, creel or 
timber frame ; Cruach Bhreac, speckled stack ; Druim 
LiATH, grey ridge ; Druim na Sgriothail, ridge of gravel 
(from Norse skridda, a landslip) ; Druim na Feithe. 
Seilich, ridge of the willowy ditch ; Dun Meadhonach, 
middle heap or hillock; Dun M(5r, big heap or hillock; 
Dun Mhurchaidh, Murdo's heap or hillock ; Glais Bheinn 
(stupidly given in survey maps as ' Beinn Ghlas '), grey hill ; 
Leac an Fhidhleir, fiddler's hillside ; Leac an Tuairneir, 
turner's hillside ; Leac Shoillear, bright hillside ; Mam 
a' Ghoill, stranger's hill ; a' Mhaoil Bhuidhe (two, both 
headlands, one at Ormsaigbeg and another at Fascadale),. 
yellow point or headland (from Norse mulr, a jutting rock,, 
a snout). 

Meall an Fheeiein, eagle lump or hill, appears to be an 
ideal nesting-place for the king of birds. Once upon a time 
eagles did use to make their homes in various parts of rugged 
Ardnamurchan, but, for the last thirty-five years or so, they 
have given a wide berth to the mainland of North Argyll. 
In the early eighties the species had become so rare in these 
parts that the distinguished naturalist, ' Nether Lochaber,' 
stated in reply to a query addressed to him by a French 
scientist that he ' thought ' it was not extinct in Scotland ! 
Thanks to the Wild Birds Protection Acts, the breed is now 
undergoing in many districts a numerical increase of quite 
a decided character. 

Meall an TIrmachain, ptarmigan hill, is reminiscent 
of the days when the shy, finely-speckled member of 
the grouse family was yet a habitue of the high tops of 
this region. Be the reason what it may, the interesting 
species is now extremely rare, if not utterly unknown, in 

Meall a' Ghuib Sheilich, Gobshealach hill ; Meall 
BuiDHE, yellow hill ; Meall Bhun na h-Aibhne, Shielfoot 
hill ; Meall Chloich an Daraich, stone of the oak hill ; 
Meall Eigneig, Eigneig hill ; Meall Meadhoin, middle 
hill ; Meall nan Con, hill of the dogs ; Meall nan Each,, 


hill of the horses; Meall Tom a' Ghanntaib, hill of the 
prison hillock ; Sgur nam Meann, peak of kids ; SIthean 
(a very common name in the district), fairy hill; Stallachan 
DuBHA (two, one at Mingary and another at Aharacle), black 
precipices ; Suidhe Mhic Dhiarmaid, son of Diarmid's seat ; 
.and Suidhe Fhionain, St. Finnan's seat. 

Lochs and Tarns, 

Loch a' Mhadaidh Eiabhaich, loch of the brindled dog ; 
LocHAN Choire MhXim, loch of Corrie Maim ; Lochan 
Chreag nan Con, loch of the rock of dogs. 

LocHAN NA Crannaige, loch of the crannog. There 
is every likelihood that this tarn, lying half-way between 
Kilchoan and Achosnich, formed the site of a lake dwelling, 
but I am not aware that it has ever been the object of any 
close or systematic research on the part of archaeologists. 

LocHAN Dhomhnuill Dhuibh, Black Donald's loch ; 
LocH AN DoBHRAiN, the ottcr's loch ; Lochan Dubh 
(there are several tarns so named), black loch ; Loch an 
Ime, butter loch ; Lochan Loisgte, burnt loch ; Lochan na 
Caisil, loch of the wall or cruive ; Lochan na Coinniche, 
mossy loch. 

Lochan na Curra, loch of the heron. Misled by the 
survey map. Dr. Gillies takes exception to the grammar of 
this name, which he gives as ' Lochan a' Churra.' I happen 
to know the sheet of water very well, and also all the adult 
native people living within a dozen miles thereof, and I can 
say that I never heard it called anything but ' Lochan na 
Curra.' The spelling adopted by the survey is quite un- 
warranted, and, therefore. Dr. Gillies' s strictures are 
entirely baseless. 

Lochan Dhoire na Tuaidhe, loch of the axe grove ; 
Lochan na Glaice, loch of the hollow. 

Lochan na Gruagaiche, loch of the nymph or elf. For 
a full and very interesting description of the habits and 
fimctions of the gruagach, see Dr. Carmichael's Carmina 
^adelica, vol. ii. p. 289. 



LocHAN NiGHEAN AN t-Saoir, loch of the carpenter's 
daughter ; Lochan Sligneach, shelly loch. 

Loch MtiDAiL, possibly from Norse modr, muddy, and 
dalr, dale, loch of the muddy dale. 

Loch na Caithris (wrongly entered on the survey map 
as Lochan na Carraige), loch of night watching ; Loch nan 
GiLLEAN, loch of the young men ; Loch nan Sioman, loch 
of the heather ropes ; and Loch Seile (English, Loch Shiel), 
a name which comes from sal, seen in ' seile,' saliva. 

Bays and Estuaries. 

Camus na Lighe (misspelt ' Camus Liath ' on survey 
maps), is made up of camus, bay, and lighe, flood, and is 
Gaelic in all its parts. The root li is found in Loch Leven 
and other names. 

Loch Mijideart, Loch Moidart (Moidart is from Norse 
moda, muddy, and fjord, ford or sea loch) ; Port BXn, 
white bay ; Port a' Choit, bay of the coracle {coit being 
feminine, I admit the grammar is faulty in this case) ; Port 
NA Croise, bay of the cross ; Port nam Marbh, bay of the 

Port nan SpIinndeach, bay of the Spaniards. The 
circumstances under which this name was bestowed are 
worth recalling. John Maclain of Ardnamurchan married 
in 1588 the widowed mother of Lachlan MacLean of Duart, 
a daughter of the Earl of Argyll. Owing to an old feud 
existing between him and Maclain, MacLean had opposed 
the marriage, but was ultimately prevailed upon to give a 
reluctant consent. The nuptials were celebrated in one 
of the MacLean residences at Torloisk, Mull. Maclain sub- 
sequently declined to assist his doughty step-son in his 
war-like enterprises, and the consequence was that he was 
treacherously seized at Torloisk and his followers were 
killed. The Ardnamurchan chief was kept in confinement 
in Duart Castle for more than a year, his life being only 
spared out of respect to his wife's entreaties. In the autumn 
of 1588, while Maclain was a prisoner, one of the vessels of 


the scattered Spanish Armada was driven for shelter into 
Tobermory Bay. As the price of his assistance in repair- 
ing and revictuaUing her, MacLean stipulated for the help 
of a hundred of the Spanish soldiers. With these he plun- 
dered and harried the islands of Rum, Eigg, Canna and 
Muck, the last two being possessions of the Clan Iain. He 
afterwards laid siege for three days to Mingary Castle, but 
the defenders obtained reinforcements from Moidart and else- 
where and the aggressor was repulsed. The bay below 
Mingary Castle which was the landing-place of MacLean' s 
Spanish allies still retains the name of Port nan Spainn- 
deach. John Maclain was at last liberated in exchange for 
some MacLean prisoners. Three years later, when Lachlan 
was brought to trial in Edinburgh for his many misdeeds, 
the chief count in his indictment was that he had hired 
Spanish soldiers in his private quarrels. He was convicted, 
but James vi. commuted his sentence to a pecuniary fine. 

Points and Headlands. 

Dun Ghallain, dim or fort of the butter-bur ; Garbh 
RuDHA, rough point ; Rudha na h-Acairseid, Acarsaid 
point ; Rudha an DtriN Bhain, point of the white dun or 
hill ; Rudha Aird Druiminnis (not ' Druimnich,' as given 
on survey map and by Dr. Gillies), is rudha+dird-\-druim-i- 
innis, the point of the height of the sheltered valley ; Rudha 
Bhualta (at Salen and Ockle), stricken point ; Rudha 
Aird an Iasgaich, point of the fishing height ; Rudha 
Carach, tricky or inconstant point ; Rudha Dubh, black 
point ; Rudha Eilgeadail, Elgadale point (see Townland 
names, Elgadale) ; Rudha Gharaidh L:^ith, point of the 
grey dyke ; Rudha Luingeannach, ship-frequented head- 
land ; Rudha MhIle, mile point ; Rudha Murchanach, 
Ardnamurchan point ; Rudha na Cailliche, carline point ; 
Rudha na Faoilinne, gull point ; Rudha nan Sionnach, 
point of the foxes ; Rudha Ochdail, Ockle point ; Rudha 
RuADH, red point ; Rudha Shana, Sanna point. 



Islands and Skerries, 

BoGHA Carach, tricky or inconstant skerry (bogha is from 
Norse bodi, a breaker, a hidden rock) ; Dubh Sgeir, black 
Tock (sgeir is from Norse sker, a sharp rock) ; Eilean 
AiRD-T(5, Ardtoe island (off Kilmory but in sight of Ardtoe) ; 
EiLEAN Carach, tricky island ; Eilean nan Seachd 
Seisrichean, island of the seven teams ; Eilean nan 
GiLLEAN, island of the yomig men ; Eilean an rH:6n)H, 
deer island ; Eilean Mor, big island ; Eilean na h-Acair- 
SEiD, Acarsaid island ; Eilean Raonaill, Ronald's island ; 
Eilean a' Ghlinne Mh(5ir, Glenmore island ; Eilean 
Mhic Neill, MacNeill's island ; Glais-eilean, grey island 
(pronounced as one word with the stress on the first syllable 
— Glaislein) ; Meallan Odhra, dun lumps. 

Ordhsa (English, Oronsay), is from Norse orfiri, ebb- 
tide, and ey, isle, indicating that the place is joined to the 
mainland at low water. The name occurs not infrequently 
in the West of Scotland. 

Reasga (English, Riska), may conceivably be from Norse 
hris, brushwood, and ey, an isle, but good authorities are 
dubious on the point. 

Sgeir an Durdain, skerry of the humming noise ; an 
t-Sleigneach Bheag and an t-Sleigneach Mh6r, the Httle 
and the big skerry abounding in shells ; Sgeir nam Meann, 
skerry of kids ; Sgeir an Eididh may probably be ' Sgeir 
an t-Seididh,' and mean windy skerry (it being at the same 
time confessed that ' eclipsis ' is very rare in the Ardna- 
murchan dialect); and Sgeir a' Chaolais, skerry of the 

I may be permitted to add that I can vouch from per- 
sonal knowledge for the absolute correctness of the pro- 
nimciations given immediately after each townland name. 
The names of lochs, hills, bays, points and islands are mostly 
Gaehc, and their proper vocalisation presents no possible 



Edward Spencer Dodgson, M.A. 

(Continued from p, 62) 

Dabeenezquero,! 191, 192 (3). I. q. Dabee, with N rel. temp. decl. 

mediative, ruled by kero=after. {nezkero=after-that, since-when.) 

Since they have it. 
Daquizun, 5. I.q. Dakizu, N rel. s. ace. (That) which you know. 
Daquizun, 151. Subj. pres. s. 3., dat. pi. 2nd p. aux. (p. 148 in 

Zabala.) That he be to you. 
Dacuseela, 71. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., la participial, v. irr. act. iku^. 

While they see it. 
Dacusen, 46. I.q. Dakus, with e euph. before N conj. ruled by leguez. 

( ^.9) that one sees it. 
J)acuzu, 5. Ind. pres. pi. 2nd p., singular in sense, ace. s., v. irr. act. 

ikus. In both editions misprinted dacuszu. You see it. 
Dacuts (for Dakus), 78. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. ikus. (Cf. 

p. 68, icutsi—icusi). Sees it. 
Daguijala, 66. Conjunctive pres. s. 3., ace. s., aux. act. I.q. Dagijan, 

but with la conj. That he may have it. 
Daguijan, 6, 11, 165. Subj. pres. s. 3., ace. s., aux. act. Th^t he may 

have it. 
al-Daguijanac, 50. I.q. Dagijan, N rel. s. act., decl. act. {nac=he who). 

He who m/iy have it in his power. 
al-ba-Daguijee, 54, 55. Cf. al-Daguijanac. Subj. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., 

aux. act. (//) they have it 'possible. Ba is if in Grothic also. 
Daguijeegun, 75. Imp. pi. 1., ace. s., dat. pi., aux. act. Let us have it to 

them ! 
J)aguijeela, 24 (2), 62, 160, 175. Imp. and (175) Conj. pi. 3., ace. s., aux. 

act. Let them have it ; that they have it. 
al-Daguijeen, 73. Subj. pres. pi. 3., ace. s. (What) they have possible. 
al-Daguijeena, 201. I.q. Daguijee, N rel. s. ace, decl. ace. (na—th/it 

which) . That which they have possible. 
Daguijezala, 175. I.q. Daguijezan, with la conj. That they may have 

Daguijezan, 51. Subj. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., aux. act., in the destinative 

sense as if ending in tzdt. ( To-the-end) that they may have them. 
JDagijon, 162. Gi stands for gui, as in the modem orthography. Subj, 

pres. s. 3., ace. s., dat. s., aux. act. That it may have it to her. 

* Accidentally omitted after Daveenac on p. 60. 


Daguijozan, 99. Subj. pres. s. 3., ace. pi., dat. s., aux. act. That he 

may Jmve them to him. 
Daguijuen, 51. Thus in line 8 of both editions. In line 9 it is daquijuen 

in the edition of Iruna. See Dakijuen. 
al-Daguijuezan, 204. Subj. pres. pi. 3., ace. pL, dat. pL, with A euph. 

before N rel. pi. act., aux. act. (Those) which they have it possible to 

them. Apparently a misprint, if the other verbs in the sentence are 

right. Can it be for Dagioezan in Lardizabal ? See Dahenari and 

al-Daguizan, 6, 157. Subj. pres. s. 3., ace. pi., aux. act. That it may 

liave them ; {if=ya=ea) he may have them. 
ez-Daguizuzan, 124. Subj. pres. pi. 2., ace. pi., aux. act. That you may 

(not) have them. See page 102 of Zabala, and p. 6 of Ap. 2 of Lardizabal. 

It ought to be daguizuezan. 
Daguizuzan, 151. Subj. ^res. s. 3., ace. pi., dat. pi. 2nd p., aux. act. 

That it may have them to you. Cf. p. 104 of Zabala, and p. 6 of the 

Apendice Segiindo of the Gramatica Vascongada escrita por Don F. I. 

de Lardizabal. (San Sebastian, 1856.) It ought to be daguizuezan. 
Dago, 14, 29, 51, 55, 56, 66, 79, 94, 103, 110, 116, 163, 171 (2), 175 (3), 

176, 182, 187, 197. Ind. pres. s. 3., v. irr. neut. egon. Stays, remains, is. 
Dagoz, 14, 29, 30, 40, 48, 66, 69 (3), 70 (2), 76, 120 (2), 135, 155 (2), 160^ 

(with ez-ba-), 176. Ind. pres. pi. 3., v. irr. neut. egon. They remain , 

stay, are. On p. 14 dogoz is a misprint of the second edition only, and 

the next word is rightly inocentiac in the first. 
Dagozala, 48, 58, 64, 65, 79, 183, 197. I.q. Dagoz, with A euph. before 

la participial (58), and conjunctive. As often happens, on pages 64 

and 65 the two senses coalesce. That they stay ; while they stay. 
Dagotzan, Dagozan, 7, 8, 36, 64, 107, 121, 135 (dagotzan). I.q. Dagoz, 

with A euph. before N rel. pi. nom. (7, 36, 121, 135) ; N rel. loc. (64, 

107) ; N conj. (8). (Those) which stay ; in which they stay ; (As) 

that they are. 
Dagozana, 106, 149. I.q. Dagozan conj., with a=the (7ia=the-f act-that). 

In sense it is dagozala conjunctive. The-fact-that they are. 
Dagozanac, 42, 69, 201. I.q. Dagozan rel., decl. (42) pi. act., and (69, 

201) intr. (nac=those who). Those who stay. 
Daguala, 79, 80, 97, 108, 167 (where baguala stands for ba-daguala. 

In 1904 it became daguala). I.q. Dago, with Ua euph. before la conj. 

That it stands, or is. 
Dagualaco, 10. I.q. Daguala, with A euph. and laco pretextive. On-the- 

ground-that (there) remains. 
Daguan, 18, 21, 26, 34, 40, 65, 79, 89, 91, 113, 136, 182, 187. I.q. Dago 

with Ua euph. before iV^ conj. (34, 89) ; N rel. nom. ; and N reL 

loc. (21, 26, 79). That it stays ; which stays ; in which it stays. 


Daguana, 55, 161. I.q. Daguan conj. with a=the (na^the-f act-that, 
translated like la). The-fact-that it stands. 

Daguanac, 74, 182, 187. I.q. Daguan, N rel. nom., decl. act. (ruling, 74, 
aituteco) . . . {nac=he who). He who stays. 

Daguanian, 29, 186. I.q. Daguan, N rel. temp., decl. temp. {man=when). 
When he stays. 

Daiqueena, 127. Potential pres. pi. 3., ace. s., N rel. s. ace, decl. s. ace, 
aux. act. {na=that which). That which they can have. 

Daiquien, 199. Pot. pres. s. 3., ace. s., N rel. s. ace, aux. act. (That) 
which he can Jmve. See Zabala, p. 121. It ought to be Daiken ; but 
may be a dialectal corruption. 

Daigun, 46, 61, 75, 87, 93 (2), 94, 95, 96 (1, 18), 97 (4), 98 (2), 102, 103, 
132, 177. Imp. pi. 1., ace. s., aux. act. Let us have it ! On p. 96, 
1. 1, it became daiguzan in my edition, because the accusatives there 
are plural. On p. 95 the accusatives are distributively singular. 

Daiguzan, 95, 96 {ter, if the correction in the 2nd edition be counted), 97. 
Imp. pi. 1., ace. pL, aux. act. Let us Jiave them ! 

al-Daijan, 46. Pot. pres. s. 3., aux. act. ; Iq. dai with A euph. before^ 
N rel. temp., aux. When he can have it. 

Daijeegun, Daijegun, 63, 176, 184. Imp. and (184) Subj. pres. pi. 1., 
ace. s., dat. pi. Let us, or that we may, have it, to them. On p. 63 the 
dative expressed, bacochuri, is singular=to each one. But its sense 
is collective and plural. 

al-ba-Daiz, 157. (Zabala, 119; Lardizabal, Ap. 2«, p. 10.) Pot. Con- 
ditional pi. 3., ace. pi., aux. act. (//) he can possibly have them. 

Daizuzan, 163. Pot. pres. pi. 2., ace. pi., with A euph., before N conj., 
in the final sense as if ending in tzdt. So that you wuy have them. 

Dala, 9, 10 (2), 13 (2), 18, 24, 26 (2), 29 (2), 34, 35 (3), 39, 46, 55, 63, 66 
(2), 80, 81, 84, 91, 96, 98 (2), 102 (2), 107, 108 (2), 115, 118 (2), 120, 
122 (2), 126, 128, 133, 139, 140 (4), 153, 155, 157 (2), 158 (3), 160, 167, 
170, 174 (3), 177, 181 (3), 193, 194 (2), 195, 196, 204 (5). I.q. Da, with 
la conj. and participial. That it is ; while it is. 

Dalaco, 31, 37, 38, 40, 46, 71, 100, 107, 124, 128 (4), 185, 196. I.q. Dala 
Conj., with the pretextive ending. On-the-ground-that it is. 

Dan, 1, 9, 10, 14, 21, 22, 27, 31, 33 (3), 37 (3), 38, 40, 42, 43 (2), 44, 45^ 
(2), 46 (3), 47 (2), 49, 54 (2), 55 (2), 56, 61 (2), 63, 66, 67 (2), 73, 84, 85- 
(2), 90, 91, 101, 103, 104, 107, 108 (2), 110, 114, 116, 119, 120 (2), 
122, 123 (2), 124, 128, 129, 137, 139, 145, 146, 165, 166, 173, 177, 186^ 
(2), 192, 193, 194, 207. I.q. Da with N conj.= That it is ; and N rel. 
= Which is, or in which it is. 

Dana, 5 (2), 30, 53, 59, 62, 84, 106, 109, 118, 126, 154, 156, 157, 169, 171, 
186, 189, 191, 194, 198. I.q. Dan, N rel. decl. nom. pass, and ace. 
That which is. On pp. 59, 106, 156, 157, 169, 171, 189, na means. 


the-fact-thcU, and the sense is the same as that of Dala Conj. On 

p. 74 the original reading is dana. But, as the active case with Dau, 

I turned it into danac in the new edition. 
Danac, 41, 46, 74, 127. I.q. Dana rel., but active. On p. 74 it is dana 

in the first edition. He who is. 
Danagaz, 87. I.q. Danaz. About that which is. This termination gaz 

is used also as a copulative. 
Danaz, 74. I.q. Darm, but mediative definite, ruled by gainera {naz= 

about that which is). Of, or in-respect-of, thai which is. 
Daneco, 48. I.q. Dan, N rel. tem^p. =when, with E euph. before the 

locative-possessive, adjectival case Co. For, or at (the time) when 

it is. 
Daneti, 86, 178. I.q. Dan, N rel. temp., decl. separative. From {the 

time) when one is ; 178, N rel. nom., decl. sep. From that which is. 
Danez, 32, 46, 72, 124. I.q. Dan, N rel. nom., decl. mediative. In 

respect of what is. 
Danian, 13, 120, 148 (bis). I.q. Dan, N rel. temp., decl. temp, (nian— 

when). When it is. 
Dantzubeela, 71. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., la participial, eclipsing n final, 

V. irr. act. entzun. While they hear it. 
Darabilee, 67, 118. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. erabil. They 

carry it about. 
Darabileenac, Darabilleenac, Daravileenac, 47, 170, 200, 204, 205. I.q. 

Darabilee, N. rel. act. pi., decl. nom. pi. intr. (nac=those who). These 

who carry it. 
Darabilela, Daravilela, 83, 139. I.q. Darabilee, with la conj.=that, 

and, p. 139, participial, its accusative being buru zitala ; with ain and 

cein as correlatives balancing onduan against guerrijan. 
Darijola, 59, 66. Ind. pres. s. 3., v. irr. intr. iario, with la participial. 

While, or as it flows. 
Barijona, 65. I.q. Darijo, with N rel. separative, decl. nom. {na— 

that from which). That from which it flows. 
Darijuela, 72. I.q. Darijola, but with the dative plural in its body. 

While it flows to them. 
Daroianac, 65.^ Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., N rel. act., decl. act. {ruic= 

those which). Yet the accusative is plural to the extent of a thousand, 

if it is * milla acinoe ta menio indecente.' Those which are usval. 

* Perhaps this is a misprint for oi dirianac = those which are usual, as on p. 198, 
or for daroiezanac, or daruezanac. The phrase contains a mixture of singular and 
plural. See juacozan, deutsazala, deutsanian, dirurijeela, which occur therein. If it 
comes from eruan, cf. dantzara eruan dabeelaco, p. 71. Agustfn Cardaberaa in his 
Biscay an Catechism of 1762, republished by me in 1906 at Bayonne, used Daroenac 
in the sense of ' those who bear it.' Oi recalls Latin (ntor = utor. 


Daroiezan, 52. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., A euph. before N rel. pi. act., 

V. irr. eruan {nac= those which). (Those) which they carry. This is; 

perhaps the consuetudinary form of Daruezan, q.v. 
Darraicozan, 56, 61, 118. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. s., A euph., N rel. nom.. 

pL, V. irr. neuter, iarrai. (Those) which follow it. 
Darraico, 33. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. s., v. irr. intr. iarrai. Follows it. 
Danaicon, 19. I.q. Darraico, N rel. nom. Which follows it. 
Darraicona, 104. I.q. Darraicon, decl. ace. (na=that which). That 

which follows it. 
Darraicuezan, 60, 76. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. pi., A euph., N rel. pL. 

nom., V. irr. neuter iarrai. (Those) which follow them. 
Daruezan, 118. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pL, A euph., N rel. pi. act., 

V. irr. tr. ervxxn. (Those) which carry them. 
Oatorrelaco, 139. Ind. pres. s. 3., Re euph., la conj. =that, with the 

adjectival co in the pretextive sense, v. irr. passive dor. On-the- 

ground-that it comes. 
Datozala, 138. Ind. pres. pi. 3., la conj., v. irr. pass. etor. That they 

Dau, 11, 14, 16, 17 (2), 18, 22 (2), 24, 26, 29, 30, 36, 38 (2), 41, 45, 60, 

66, 72, 74, 78, 79, 84, 89, 91, 94, 102 (2), 108, 109, 113, 114, 120, 123, 

152, 153, 157 (2), 158, 166, 170, 171, 174 (2), 182, 186 (2), 191. Ind. 

pres. s. 3., ace. s., v. poss. and aux. act. Has it. 
Dauca, 3, 9 (2 ezDauca), 13, 15 (2), 17, 25 (2), 50, 60, 84, 117, 123, 124, 

138, 150, 175, 187, 193. Ind. pres. s. 3., r. s., v. irr. act. eduki. Holds 

Daucagu, 156, 177, 186. Ind. pres. pi. 1., ace. s., v. irr. tr. eduki. We 

hold it. 
Daucala, 103, 126. I.q. Dauca, with la conj. That he holds it. 
Daucalaco, 20. I.q. Daucala, with the possessive adjectival co in the 

pretextive sense. On-ihe-ground, or, for-the-reason-that, it holds it. 
Daucan, 27, 64, 76, 170. I.q. Dauca, with N conj. ruled by leguez; 

N rel. ace. (64), and (76), act., and (170) respective. That it has it ; 

(that) which it has ; which has it ; as-to-which it has it. On p. 170" 

the accusative of daucan is eguitia, icustia, taken separately. The 

n final relates to * the infamous amusements,' and contains the sense 

of gaiti, i.e. * (concerning) which.' On p. 64 the nominatives are 

Daucana, 9, 87, 123. I.q. Daucan, N rel. act., decl. nom. or ace. (na= 

that which). He, or him, who holds it. 
Daucanac, 46, 80, 89, 114. I.q. Daucan, N rel. act., or ace., decl. act. 

(nac=he who, he whom). He who holds it ; he whom he holds. 
Daucanez, 137, 155. It has the appearance of being a misprint either for 

Daucanaz=by that which has (the appearance), or for Dauquetnez=^ 


by titose things which have (the appearance). Nez can be by those which. 

Echuria, from Castilian fexihura, hechura, the appearance, is the accusa- 
tive singular. See the note on Dinuanez. 
Daucat, 111, 163. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. s., v. irr. act. eduki. I hold it. 
Daucaz, 189. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. pi., v. irr. tr. eduki. Holds them. 
Daucazala, 4, 104. I.q. Daucaz, A euph. before la conj., or (4) participial. 

That it holds them. On p. 4 it may be rendered ' holding them.'' 
Daucazan, 9, 97, 121. I.q. Daucaz, A euph., N rel. pi. ace. {Those) 

which it holds. 
Dauquee, 15, 34, 36, 38, 42, 151, 182. Ind. pi. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. eduki. 

They hold it. 
Dauqueela, 27, 46, 101, 112, 154. I.q. Dauquee, la con}.=that ; or (112, 

154) -psiTticiipm\= while. That they have it ; while they have it. 
Dauqueen, 36, 42, 50, 60, 65, 74, 132, 146, 156. I.q. Dauquee, with N 

rel. s. ace. (36, 42, 65) ; N rel. pi. act. (156) ; with N conj. ruled by 

lejguez (50), by haino (74), or in a dependent clause (60, 132, 146). 

{That) which they have ; {those) who have it] that they have it. 
Dauqueena, 54, 195. I.q. Dauqueen, N con].=that, decl. nom. s. intr. 

{na=the- {fact) -that, the sense equalling la). The - fact - that they 

have it. 
Dauqueenac, 52, 56, 72 (2), 94, 119, 199, 201, 202 (3), 204, 205. I.q. 

Dauqueen, N rel. pi. act., decl. nom. pi. {nac=those who). Those 

which have it. The same form might also serve as the active nomina- 
tive of a transitive verb. 
Dauqueez, 34, 61, 62, 140. I.q. Dauquee, but with the accusative pi. 

They hold them. 
Dauqueezala, 183. I.q. Dauqueez, A euph. and la conj. That they hold 

Dauqueezan, 183. I.q. Dauqueez, A euph., N rel. pi. ace. (Those) 

which they hold. 
Dauqeezanac, 69 (2), 202. I.q. Dauqueez, A euph., N rel. pi. act., decl. 

nom. pi. {nac=those who). Those who hold them. 
'DsLTitsa3ia.c=Dautseenac (in 1904), 69. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. pi., N rel. pi. 

nom., decl. pi. nom., v. irr. pass eutsi=' asir, tener 6 estar agarrado* 

{nxxc=those who). Those who cling to them. 
Dautseela, 73. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. pi., la participial, v. irr. intr. etUsi. 

While they cling to them. See number 28 of the Apendice Segundo of 

Lardizabal. The dative is alcarri. Cf . Deutzeezala. 
«guiDazu, 150. Imp. s. (pi. in form), ace. s., dat. s. 1st p., aux. act. 

Have you it to me ! The use of egui=done, do, as a sub-auxiliary in 

Biscayan is like that of do in English. With esan it means ' do tell 

it to me ! ' 

{To be continued) 



An Old Highland Fencible Corps: The History of the Beay Fencible Highland 
Regiment of Foot, or Mackay's Highlcmders, 1794^-1802. With an 
Account of its Services in Ireland during the Rebellion of 1798. By 
Captain I. H. Mackay Scobie, F.S.A. Scot., the Essex Regiment. 
One vol., 4to, xlii + 413 pp. With three coloured plates of uniforms, 
thirty-eight illustrations in the text and two maps. Edinburgh : 
William Blackwood and Sons, 1914. £1, Is. net. 

Territorial Soldiering in the North- East of Scotland dv/ring 1769-1814- By 
John Malcolm Bulloch, M.A. One vol. 4to, lxviii+517 pp. 
With three illustrations. Aberdeen : The New Spalding Club, 

Beyond the too brief notices of some corps which appear in Major- 
General David Stewart of Garth's Sketches of the Highlanders, published in 
1822, and Lady Tullibardine's account of Perthshire corps in her Military 
History of Perthshire 1660-1902, no attempt has been hitherto made to place 
on record the services rendered to the nation by the Fencible regiments 
raised in the eighteenth century. Sir John Sinclair's Account of the Rothesay 
and Caithness Fencibles, ' particularly addressed to the officers, non-commis- 
sioned officers and private soldiers of the first battalion that they may 
remember they have belonged to so respectable a corps,' with its full-length 
figure of the uniform, while one of the prizes of the military collector, 
contains the baldest outline of services. The value and importance of 
Captain Mackay Scobie's monograph therefore is great. It gives for the 
first time in full detail the history and services of one of the most dis- 
tinguished battalions raised under the Fencible system. It fills a gap 
existing up to this time in regimental history. The author has taken 
A wide view of his duties, and in addition to detailing the history of the 
corps in which he is specially interested he has many sound observations on 
the system, and his work contains the most complete list of Fencible 
regiments which has yet appeared. 

These lines were written before Mr. Bulloch's work was issued. That 
gentleman's devotion to Gordon soldiers and Gordon genealogy is well 
known. An untrodden field for his energies lay open to him in the history 
of the Territorials in the North-East of Scotland, 1759-1814. His subject 
brings under his cognisance the five Fencible regiments of that part of the 
kingdom. By the aid of original papers in Gordon Castle charter-room, 
Mr. Bulloch is able to give a large amount of original detail, and his book 
is a permanent and valuable addition to our knowledge of Fencible corps. 

Captain Mackay Scobie's lists show that between 1759 and 1798, forty- 


five Fencible infantry regiments were raised in Scotland, seventy per cent.. 
of them in the Highlands. His lists for England and Ireland show a total 
of twenty-five corps, including two Manx battalions raised respectively in 
1793 and 1798, by John, fourth Duke of Atholl, and his brother, Lord 
Henry Murray. There were no militia cavalry in England, she provided 
instead nineteen regiments of Fencible cavalry, while twelve were raised in 
Scotland. The latter kingdom then was pre-eminently the home of 
Fencible corps. 

During the latter half of the eighteenth century England was provided 
with a statutory militia. The reason why the territorial forces in Scotland 
were not so organised is to be found in the fact that it was a tradition with 
English statesmen to regard with alarm and jealousy the maintenance of a 
military force in Scotland. Such foundation as existed for the feeling is to 
be traced back to Restoration times. 

In 1663 the Scottish Parliament voted a militia of two thousand horse 
and twenty thousand foot to be ready when called on by the king, to march 
to any part of his Majesty's dominions of Scotland, England, or Ireland for 
suppressing of any foreign invasion, intestine trouble or insurrection, or for any 
other service wherein His Majesty's honour, authority or greatness may be- 
concerned (Acts of Pari, vii. 480). The commissions were not issued, nor 
was the force called into being until 1668, but from that year onwards until 
1684 the provisions of the Act were in active operation. Lauderdale, whose 
plan it was, saw to it that the regulations were strictly enforced. The horse- 
were inspected four times and the foot once a year, the Scottish Treasury 
issuing an annual grant of ten days' pay for the purpose. The maintenance 
of so large a force in efficiency excited the resentment of England, where 
the standing army in the time of Charles ii. was small in numbers, and the 
militia, with few exceptions, remained unembodied. Lauderdale was 
accused in the English Parliament of retaining the Scots militia for no 
other end than to overawe England (Hansard, iv. 625), and English 
members of Parliament avowed that it was impossible to discuss public 
afiairs in that kingdom ' without converting our thoughts to Scotland ' 
(Hansard, iv. 626). In 1674 the House of Commons, enraged at what they 
regarded as a perpetual menace, presented an unanimous address to the king 
praying that Lauderdale be dismissed from his employments and from the 
royal presence and councils. The attack was repeated in 1675. The 
definition of the use to which the Scots militia, authorised by the Act of 
1663, might be put in any of the three kingdoms, was referred to. 'By 
colour of these general words,' says the address unanimously voted by the 
Commons to the king in 1675, 'we conceive this realm maybe liable to 
be invaded under any pretence whatsoever ' (Hansard, iv. 684). The attacks 
on Lauderdale were renewed in 1679, and only ceased on his retiral from 
public life. 

Five-and-twenty years later, in 1704, the Act of Security passed by the 
Scottish Parliament provided that the Fencible men of the country should 


be armed and called out once a month for training. By recalling her 
regular regiments then serving abroad, Scotland with such a backing might 
fairly hope to cope with the forces of her southern neighbour. The proposal 
remained green in the minds of English public men, and half a century 
afterwards, in the discussion in the House of Commons on the English 
Militia Bill, the event was referred to in these terms : — 

In 1704 the Scots passed the famous act called the Act of Security^ for disciplin- 
ing their militia and providing them with arms, for they wisely foresaw that if such 
a case should happen [a conflict between the two nations] it would be impossible for 
them to furnish the expence of keeping up such a numerous standing army of 
mercenary troops as would be sufficient for defending them against the armies of this 
kingdom. But, thank God, the existence of the case was prevented by the union of 
the two kingdoms, which was soon after concluded, and which has happily left the 
inhabitants of this extensi-ve island nothing else to think of but how to defend them- 
selves against the neighbouring powers upon the continent of Europe. {Scots Mag. 
1756, p. 426.) 

The union referred to was effected in 1707, and exact even to garrulous- 
ness on many points, there is not to be found either in the articles of union 
which preceded it or in the treaty itself a word which has any relation 
to the military forces of Scotland. From the moment of union they ceased 
as such to exist. Thenceforth they were under English control. To achieve 
that result was the dominating object of English statesmen. Within a few 
years all the Scottish infantry regiments which had served abroad were with 
four exceptions disbanded never to be reorganised as so many English corps 

Then came the civil wars of 1715 and 1745. It was in the years follow- 
ing the latter event and in the annual discussions in the House of Commons 
on the proposal to limit the numbers of men and the period of service in 
the army that the haunting fear of the Scottish military power most clearly 
showed itself. It was urged that if the period of service in the British army 
were limited to a short term of years the disaffected families and the chiefs 
in the Highlands would pass their vassals and clansmen through the ranks, 
and so provide themselves with disciplined soldiers to be employed in over- 
turning the Government when an opportunity should occur. Lord George 
Sackville expressed the prevailing view. Referring to the advance of the 
Highland army into England in 1745, he observed : — 

It is well known that the disaffected chiefs in the Highlands of Scotland made 
use of the independent companies kept up in that country for this very purpose 
[undergoing military training], and since the breaking of these companies they hare 
made use of the Scottish regiments in the Dutch service for the same purpose. It 
was this that made the late rebellion so formidable, and at first so successful ; that 
army of rebels was not made up of shepherds or fellows just taken from the plow, as 
it was represented through ignorance or design by the friends to the government here. 
It was chiefly composed of disciplined soldiers, and commanded by noblemen and 
gentlemen of rank and courage, though I believe of no great fortune ; and if this bill 
should pass into law we may soon expect to hear of such another army's appearance 
in favour of the Pretender. {Hansard, xiv. 743, 16th February 1750.) 

VOL. X. M 


In a debate on the number of soldiers to be retained on the establish- 
ment of the army, the Minister of War, referring to the '45, used these words : — 

The rebels, we know, had given the slip to General Wade, and they might ha-ve 
done the same to our array at Finchley ; but if they had not, that handful of raga- 
muffins, as they were called by many who seemed to be more ready to call names than 
to give blows, might have had a good chance for victory against our party-coloured 
army at Finchley of which an ingenious painter has given us so lively, and, I am 
afraid, so true a representation.* (Scots Mag., 1754, p. 170.) 

Side by side with these estimates of men, who knew what they were 
talking about, may be placed the opinion of an Ayrshire pamphleteer : — 

I will venture to affirm that from the 21st of September, when the rebels beat the 
troops under General Cope at Prestonpans, to the 17th of January, when they defeated 
Hawley at Falkirk, there was time enough to have armed and trained as many men of 
the shire of Ayr alone, from whence not a single man joined the pretender, as would 
have driven the rebels to their mountains for shelter. (Scots Mag., 1760, p. 56.) 

The Seven Years' war, which opened in 1756, drew public attention to 
the condition of the national defences, and an Act for the re-organisation of 
the English militia was passed on 28th June 1757, the quota being fixed at 
32,040 men. The proposal at the same time to raise a proportional quota 
for Scotland was delayed at the request of the supporters of the English 
scheme, on the plea that the passage of their bill would be thereby 
endangered. As soon as the bill became an Act, public men in Scotland 
moved for the passing of a similar measure for that kingdom. The proposal 
was thrown out by 194 to 94, on the plea that a modification of the English 
law was still in contemplation, and that it would be improper to extend the 
law to Scotland until that of England was made more perfect. The real 
objections to the measure were expressed in language like this : — 

Shall that fierce and warlike people, proud of the valour of their ancestors, be 
trusted with arms? To give a militia to Scotland was to arm Scotland against 
England. The turbulent disposition of the Scots, their propensity on every occasion 
to revolt, makes it necessary to keep them disarmed, and in that respect to treat them 
like the inhabitants of a conquered province, not the fellow -subjects of a united king- 
dom. (Scots Mag., 1760, p. 168.) 

Meantime Scotland was left defenceless, and her coasts lay open to the 
enemy. Captain Thurot in the Marshal Belleisle hovered around, and sailed 
up the Clyde with impunity. The contrast between the two kingdoms, the 
one prepared for defence, the other abandoned to the chance of war, excited 
a comment as bitter as it was fruitless. The American War, 1774-82, came 
on, and the United States privateers found on the mainland and islands of 
Scotland places where they could rapidly provision and refit. The exploits 
of Paul Jones added to the ferment, and in March 1776 a fresh attempt was 
made to establish a militia, Lord Mountstuart being in charge of the 

* A reference to Hogarth's ' The March to Finchley.' 


measure. As an example of the weakness of the Scottish defences, he told 
the House how in 1775 a smuggling cutter with a few guns and twenty men 
had come into the Firth of Forth and landed her cargo in the middle of the 
day. The excise officers applied for a sergeant and twelve men, but none 
were to be had, except such as were at so great a distance that the 
smugglers had time to dispose of their cargo, and to retire unmolested 
before the detachment arrived. An English member retorted that he lived 
near the sea, and had always observed that the militia were the greatest 
smugglers in the whole country {Hansard, xviii. 1235). Mr. Burke lent the 
weight of his eloquence against the bill. The number of men proposed to 
be embodied was, he said, as one to five, whereas Scotland did not pay above 
one-fortieth of the land-tax, from which source the money for the pay and 
clothing of the militia was to be drawn, and he could not possibly conceive 
how Scotsmen could come to Parliament and expect that at least five-sixths 
of the expense should be paid by English landowners. He was reminded 
by Sir Adam Fergusson of Kilkerran that the greatest part of the landed 
income of Scotland was spent in England. Sir Adam continued, ' Look at 
the labouring man's hat, it is English. Look at his coat, it is English. His 
shoes, stockings, and buckles are all English. Look again at the wives and 
daughters of every rank from the duke to the peasant, and the gowns, 
ribbons, etc., are all English' {Hansard, xviii. 1230), What was true in 
1776 is true in 1915. Were intercourse between the two nations interrupted 
for six months the population of Scotland would be in rags. Mr. Grenville 
maintained that the promoters of the bill must prove that the present situa- 
tion of the kingdom required an extraordinary force of six thousand men, 
that the method proposed for raising them was the cheapest, and that Scot- 
land was the place where from local circumstances these troops should be 
raised. Mr. Grenville, of course, proposed to negative each proposition. 
Lord North opposed Mr. Grenville's views, and expressed the opinion that 
the proposed national establishment would be an additional security to the 
United Kingdom. Mr. Townshend was opposed to the scheme. 

He spoke of the Highland Independent companies, and observed what little service 
they were of. For at one time when General Wade reviewed them, they were found 
to be deficient at least one-half. He reprimanded Lord Lovat, and complained to his 
Lordship by message how very incomplete his corps in particular happened to be. To 
which Lord Lovat replied, ' That signifies very little. I can have 1200 men turn out 
upon any service whenever I please.' {Hansard, xviii. 1234.) 

The bill was lost by 112 to 93. 

In 1782 a third attempt was made, the young Marquess of Graham 
leading. He suggested that the Jacobite bogey might now be laid. When 
he urged the defenceless state of the kingdom, an English member pointed 
out to him that the people of Scotland were bred to arms, and it would be 
better for them if they turned their swords into ploughshares. The Secre- 
tary at War declared that he had been always against a militia in Scotland, 
and the reason that induced him formerly to oppose the establishment of 


such a force still existed. Later he moved that the Committee be instructed 
to insert a clause in the bill enabling the men to enlist in the regular 
forces. He had many objections to the bill itself, and thought it would be 
injurious to the industries of the people. The Fencibles he considered as 
sufficient to defend the country. It might be argued that the same objection 
lay against the English militia ; but in answer to that it must be considered 
that the English militia were already embodied and disciplined, and formed 
part of the military strength of the country. The Marquess of Graham 
objected to the clause. Its object was simply to make the Scots militia a 
feeder for the English army. The clause would destroy every purpose 
sought for by the bill. What Scotland demanded was a constitutional 
militia for her defence against invasion, and he declined to proceed with the 
bill on the terms proposed {Edinburgh Evening Courant, 15th June 1782). 

The minister's real reason for opposing the bill was disclosed in the 
ludicrous proposal of the Government, made shortly afterwards, to place 
arms at the disposal of the various burghs of Scotland, who should organise 
companies in proportion to the number of the inhabitants, the commissions 
in the force to be in the patronage of the provosts, the men to be called out 
if and when wanted, and to receive pay while on duty. By this hopeful 
scheme, ministers imagined Jacobitism would be effectually checkmated. No 
one in Scotland thought it worth while to pay any attention to the proposal. 

In 1793, at the commencement of the war with France, Mr. Secretary 
Dundas introduced a bill for the better ordering of the Militia in Scotland. 
It was considered preferable to raise Fencible regiments and the measure 
was set aside. Finally, on the 19th of July when the country was face to 
face with dangers greater than any which had menaced her in the previous 
struggles with France, the Act 37 George iii. cap. 103 was passed, by which 
after an interval of a century and a quarter a Scots militia was re-established 
(Mil. Hist, of Perthshire, p. 125). 

The consideration meted out to the regular Highland regiments during 
the period under review may be inferred from what goes before. So early 
as 1738, Duncan Forbes of Gulloden, then Lord President of the Court of 
Session, urged the propriety of augmenting the British army by regiments 
to be raised in the Highlands. The story is told in the concluding para- 
graphs of the first chapter of Home's History of the Rebellion. 

He [the Lord President] was a whig upon principle ; that is, he thought the 
government established at the Revolution was the best form of government for the 
inhabitants of Britain. In the end of autumn in the year 1738 he came to Lord 
Milton's house at Brunstane one morning before breakfast. Lord Milton was surprised 
to see him at so early an hour, and asked what was the matter. A matter, replied 
the president, which I hope you will think of some importance. You know very well 
that I am, like you, a whig ; but I am also the neighbour and friend of the Highlanders, 
and intimately acquainted with most of their chiefs. For some time I have been re- 
volving in my mind different schemes for reconciling the Highlanders to government, 
now I think the time is come to bring forward a scheme which in my opinion will 
certainly have that effect. 


A war with Spain seems near at hand, which it is probable will soon be followed 
by a war with France, and there will be occasion for more troops than the present 
standing army. In that event I propose that government should raise four or jfive 
regiments of Highlanders, appointing an English or Scots officer of undoubted loyalty 
to be colonel of each regiment, and naming the lieutenant-colonels, majors, captains 
and subalterns from this list in my hand, which comprehends all the chiefs and chief- 
tains of the disaflfected clans, who are the very persons whom France and Spain will 
call upon, in case of a war, to take arms for the Pretender. If government pre-engages 
the Highlanders in the manner I propose, they will not only serve well against tihie 
enemy abroad, but will be hostages for the good behaviour of their relations at home, 
and I am persuaded that it will be absolutely impossible to raise a rebellion in the 
Highlands. I have come here to show you this plan, and to entreat if you approve of 
it, that you will recommend it to your friend. Lord Hay, who, I am told, is to be here 
to-day or to-morrow on his way to London. I will most certainly, said Lord Milton, 
show the plan to Lord Hay, but I need not recommend it to him, for, if I am not 
much mistaken, it will recommend itself. 

Next day the Earl of Hay came to Brunstane, Lord Milton showed him the 
president's plan, with which he was extremely pleased, and carrying it to London with 
him presented it to Sir Robert Walpole who read the preamble and said at once that 
it was the most sensible plan he had ever seen, and was surprised that nobody had 
thought of it before. He then ordered a cabinet council to be summoned and laid the 
plan before them, expressing his approbation of it in the strongest terms, and recom- 
mending it as a measure which ought to be carried into execution immediately in case 
of a war with Spain. Notwithstanding the minister's recommendation every member of 
the council declared himself against the measure, assuring Sir Eobert Walpole that for 
his sake they could not possibly agree to it. That if government should adopt the 
plan of the Scots judge, the patriots (for so the opposition was called) would exclaim 
that Sir Robert Walpole, who always designed to subvert the British Constitution, was 
raising an army of Highlanders to join the standing army and enslave the people of 
England. The plan was set aside and next year Britain declared war against Spain. 

With great misgiving the Independent Companies, originally formed in 
1667 under the command of John, Earl of Atholl, were formed into a regi- 
ment known to history as the Black Watch. It was promptly removed from 
Scotland and with the exceptions of a few months in 1775-6, remained absent 
for a period of forty-six years. Loudon's Highlanders, raised in 1745, were 
transferred to Germany in 1747, and disbanded at the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle 
in 1748. Then a statesman arose in England who said : — 

I have no local attachments. It is indifferent to me whether a man was rocked in 
his cradle on this side or that side of the Tweed. I sought for merit wherever it was 
to be found. It is my boast that I was the first minister who looked for it, and I 
found it in the mountains of the north. I called it forth and drew it into your service, 
an hardy and intrepid race of men ! men who, when left by your jealousy, became a prey 
to the artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh to have overturned the state in the 
war before the last. These men in the last war were brought to combat on your side ; 
they served with fidelity as they fought with valour and conquered for you in every 
part of the world ; detested be the national reflections against them ! they are unjust, 
groundless, illiberal, unmanly. {Hansard, xvi. 98.) 

While Pitt was in office ten Highland regiments were raised. Two of 


them, Keith's and the Gordon Highlanders, come under Mr. Bulloch's pur- 
view, and he notes a communication from Colonel Murray Keith, commanding 
the former corps, in which he acknowledges the assistance given him by Mr. 
Pitt {Territoi'ial Soldiering^ p. 24). That statesman, unfortunately for his 
country, resigned office in 1761, and at the peace of 1763 all the Highland 
regiments raised under his regime were disbanded. On the outbreak of the 
American war in 1774, Lieut. -Colonel James Murray of Strowan, second son 
of the Lord George Murray of the '45, offered to raise a regiment of 1000 
men to serve in America. His offer was refused (Mil. Hist, of Perthshire, 
p. 70). The exigencies of the war compelled the English to alter their tone, 
and thirteen Highland battalions were raised and entered into active service. 
Following traditional practice, all were disbanded at the general peace ex- 
cept the 73rd, late 71st, now 1st H. L. I., the 78th, late 72nd, now 1st 
Seaforths, and the 73rd, originally raised as a second battalion of the 
Black Watch, a position it again occupies. All three battalions owed their 
escape solely to the fact that at the date of the European peace and for 
many years subsequently they were employed in India in extending the 
dominions of the East India Company. 

It came to pass that if Scotland were not to be left entirely defenceless, 
her shores a rendezvous for the spoiler, and her historic fortresses the abode 
of the owl and the bat, some form of defensive force had to be provided. 
So the Fencible Regiments came into existence. I have elsewhere explained 
their constitution (Mil. Hist, of Perthshire, p. 146). It is sufficient to say 
here that their services at first extended to Scotland only, except in case of 
an invasion of England, and they were to be disbanded in Scotland. In 
1794 they were invited to extend their services to Ireland, and from that 
year onwards none were raised but such as agreed to serve in the three 
kingdoms and the isles adjacent. 

Captain Mackay Scobie is a descendant of Major John Scobie, tacksman 
of Melness, who served in the Reays from their formation in 1794 until 
their disbandment at Stirling in September 1802, during which period he 
was repeatedly in command. The Major's regimental order books have 
been preserved in the family, and form the backbone of the volume. They 
give with few gaps the daily life of the regiment from start to finish, and so 
the author is able to present a narrative of singular continuity and accuracy. 
It is a regimental idyll, in every respect the antithesis of the ordinary 
official narrative. From beginning to end there is not a dull page in the 
book. The ample notes on almost every page are of unique interest. They 
are a perfect mine of information to both soldier and civilian, and bear 
testimony to the wideness of the author's research, his critical faculty, and 
his enthusiasm for his subject. The regiment was raised in the *Reay 
country,' clan Mackay's land, lying on the north and west coasts of Suther- 
land, a district about eighty miles in length by eighteen in breadth and 
comprehending the modern parishes of Farr, Tongue, Durness and 
Eddrachilis. Some of Captain Mackay Scobie's most attractive pages are 
those which give an account of the country, the character and pursuits of its 


inhabitants ; a fine martial race of men they were, as their annals show. 
The regiment was embodied by royal warrant of 24th October 1794, and 
consisted of a grenadier, light and eight battalions companies, four sergeants, 
five corporals, two drums and ninety-five private men in each company, 
with two fifes to the grenadiers. No difficulty was experienced in recruit- 
ing. One woman brought her seven sons to join, the smallest being over 
six feet in height. The sight aroused the admiration and curiosity of Lieut. - 
Colonel Mackay of Bighouse, who said to the mother, ' On what did you rear 
the lads V * On butter and cheese, the flesh of the deer, salmon, and the 
hard oatcakes of the quern.' The uniform was the full Highland garb, the 
accoutrements following the lines of the infantry of the period modified to 
suit the Highland dress. Captain Mackay Scobie has for some years made 
a study of Highland military dress, and his treatment of the subject, though 
it has of course special reference to the uniform of the Eeays, contained in 
pp. 43-49 of his book and the notes appended to these pages, is full of 
valuable directions to the military artist who feels himself in need of in- 
struction. In 1794 the pipers were a purely regimental institution and wore 
the same uniform as the rank and file. It was not until 1854 that the 
value of the pipes as a regimental asset, though maintained from the first in 
each Highland regiment from the date of its formation, dawned upon the 
British War Office. Since then they have been under official cognisance, and 
the tailor has been called in. There are sketches in existence supposed to 
represent scenes in the Peninsular War, where the piper is represented in all 
his modem glory instead of in the jacket and sporran of the private. The 
regiment was embodied at Elgin on 17th June 1795, and included 46 officers 
32 sergeants, 30 corporals, 22 drums and fifes, and 671 sentinels, total 801. 
It was inspected on the 18th by Sir Hector Munro of Novar, who expressed 
himself as highly satisfied with the fine appearance and quality of the 
regiment, and passed it as an efi'ective corps. In July 1795 it marched to 
Fort George, and in September to Perth. On 29th October it embarked for 
Ireland, and was quartered at Belfast. It was actively employed in assisting 
to preserve the peace of the country, and Captain Mackay Scobie is able to give 
from the regimental order books a minute account of its doings in Ireland 
during that troubled time. It maintained throughout its high character as 
an efficient corps. Three companies under the command of Captain MacLean 
were present at the battle of Tara Hill, fought on 26th May 1798, where 
they behaved with great courage, sustaining a loss of eight men killed and 
one officer, four sergeants, and twenty-two rank and file wounded, two of 
the latter dying of their wounds. On 22nd August 1798, General Humbert 
with 1200 French soldiers invaded Ireland, and at Castlebar in Mayo de- 
feated a composite body of troops, commanded by General Lake, who 
exclaimed, ' If I had my brave and honest Eeays here this would not have 
happened.' After a campaign of eleven days, mostly spent in arduous march- 
ing, General Humbert surrendered to General Lake at Ballinamuck on 8th 
September. * The bravery and dash displayed by the little band of French, 
that had been launched in air without money, necessaries, or any resources but 



what chance and talent gave, and its accomplishments in an enemy's country, 
where about forty times its number of troops was in the field, proved that 
the French commander was a soldier of no ordinary ability ' (p. 225). The 
casualties of the Reays were three non-commissioned officers, one drummer, 
and fifteen private men killed in action, and two ofl&cers, eight sergeants, and 
sixty- two rank and file wounded. The behaviour of the regiment attracted 
the particular notice of the generals commanding. About a month afterwards 
General Lake, learning of the death of Lieut.-Colonel Mackay of Bighouse, 
commanding the regiment, solicited and obtained the vacant commission for 
Major Andrew Ross, who had joined from a Highland regiment of the line, 
and at the same time Captain John Scobie, who had been as senior captain 
frequently in command of the corps, obtained his majority. The regiment 
remained in Ireland until the Peace of Amiens, 1802, winning golden opinions 
from all with whom it came in contact. It was a great favourite with the 
warm-hearted Irish peasantry. Captain Mackay Scobie gives many 
examples, for which we must refer the reader to his delightful pages, which 
teem with humour, and anecdote. The officers it seems were no match for 
the Irish horse-copers. In addition to raising subscriptions among themselves 
for the poor of the country in which they were stationed and for the widows 
and children of British soldiers who had died abroad in the service of their 
country, the men of the regiment periodically remitted large sums of money 
to their relatives in Scotland, and as there were neither savings banks nor 
postal orders in those days, the men usually remitted the amount through 
the officer from whose farm or neighbourhood they had come (p. 250). St. 
Andrew's Day and New Year's Day were duly observed in the regiment. 
Captain Mackay Scobie does not appear to have unearthed any reference to 
a regimental mascot, although he notes that the 2nd Sutherland Fencibles, 
raised in 1779, had a red deer of great size as many of the other Highland 
regiments had. In August 1802 it received orders to return to Scotland, 
and it was disbanded at Stirling on 26th September 1802 after receiving a 
public acknowledgment from Major-General Baillie of Rosehall for its con- 
duct and services. The men in a body left for home. On reaching their own 
country they were received with affection and pride, not only by parents and 
relatives, but by the community at large. Celebrations lasting several days 
were held in different parishes to honour their return. Bonfires blazed on 
the hills and the countryside held festival. ' Long after peace had been 
restored to the country, the exploits and valiant deeds performed by 
"Mackay's Highlanders," and the high name they had acquired during 
their service in Ireland, were remembered with pride by their descendants in 
Strathnaver, and to this day the name of Reisimeid Mhic Aoidh is a familiar 
and honoured one in the scattered townships and remote sheilings of that 
rugged and far northern district ' (p. 349). 

Captain Mackay Scobie's volume is in every respect attractive. There 
are forty-one illustrations, including three coloured plates of uniforms from 
drawings by the author, several regimental relics, and reproductions of rare 
plates. Two maps show the Reay country and those parts of Ireland which 


were the scene of the active services of the Regiment. There is an excel- 
lent Index. 

In the one hundred pages of Mr. Bulloch's work devoted to fencible 
regiments he notices five. 

The Northern Fencibles, 1778^1783, raised by Alexander, fourth Duke 
of Gordon. Mr. Bulloch notes some curious applications for commissions. 
Cameron of Fassifern suggested Locheil's son, *a fine stout boy of 10,' 
Fassifern offering to undertake duty for three or four years, until the boy 
was ready to take post (p. 78). From the correspondence in the Gordon 
Castle muniments, quoted by Mr. Bulloch, it appears that considerable 
difficulty was experienced in raising the number of men required. They 
came chiefly from Inverness, Banff, and Aberdeen, and * the lads behaved 
well, and were tractable and obedient.' It did not leave Scotland^ being 
stationed in towns in the south of the kingdom. The details of its five 
years of existence are not exciting. It was disbanded at Aberdeen and Fort 
George, April-May 1783, the men having maintained a high character for 
good conduct and behaviour during the period of their embodiment. 

The Aberdeenshire or Princess of Wales's Fencibles, 1794-1803, raised 
by Major James Leith, who afterwards had a distinguished record in the 
Peninsula, brother of Alexander Leith Hay, of Leith Hall and Rannes, 
raised chiefly in Aberdeenshire, was placed on the establishment on 23rd 
July 1795. It proceeded to Ireland, and on 24th September following was 
placed on the Irish establishment, and in that kingdom its entire career was 
passed. Colonel Leith retained command and kept his regiment in the 
highest state of discipline, its appearance upon every occasion evincing the 
professional knowledge of the commanding officer. It was disbanded at 
Naas, April 8-11, 1803. 

The Northern Fencibles, 1793-1799, raised by Alexander, fourth Duke 
of Gordon, by warrant of 1st March 1793. Within six weeks the numbers 
desired by his Grace were forthcoming. One of the most interesting facts, 
says Mr. Bulloch, about this Regiment of Northern Fencibles is, that it was 
for its benefit that the Gordon tartan seems to have been designed. The 
Duke fixed on a pattern, * that 's to say, the same with the 42nd Regiment, 
with the alteration of the yellow stripe properly placed ; the quality of the 
plaid the same in every other respect.' In August 1793 the Northern 
Fencibles marched from Aberdeen by Perth, and were stationed in Edin- 
burgh Castle till March 1794. Unfortunately the Duke placed his brother- 
in-law, Lieut. -Colonel John Woodford, an Englishman, in command of the 
regiment. The results were unedifying. Mr. Bulloch notes a few of them 
and gives references to more. After an incipient mutiny, appeased by the 
Duke, whom Lieut.-Colonel Woodford had to call in, the regiment embarked 
for Portsmouth. While stationed in Kent, it was ordered to London. 
George iii. had never seen a Highland regiment, and he reviewed the 
Northern Fencibles with interest, the royal attention being specially directed 
to the sergeant-major, Dugal Campbell, who was ' a most superb specimen 
of the human race,' and who afterwards obtained a commission in the 92nd. 


The regiment returned to Scotland in 1796, public attention being frequently 
directed to the disputes between the Lieut.-Colonel and his officers. It was 
disbanded at Ayr, 2nd April 1799. 

The Strathspey Fencibles, 1793-1799, raised by Sir James Grant, was 
inspected and embodied by Lieut. -General Leslie at Forres on the 5th of 
June 1793. The Lieut.-Colonel, Alexander Penrose Gumming of Altyre, 
proved, according to Mr. Bulloch, no greater success in his charge than 
Woodford did with the Northern Fencibles. There appears to have been 
a continual spirit of discontent in the corps, culminating in the execution of 
two private men of the regiment at Gullane Links, in East Lothian, on 16th 
July 1795. The services of the regiment were confined to Scotland. It was 
stationed in turn at Paisley, Linlithgow, Dumfries, Musselburgh, Dundee, Ayr, 
Edinburgh, Irvine, and disbanded at Edinburgh in April 1799. Vast lockers 
full of accoutrements of this regiment are still preserved at Castle Grant. 

The Banffshire (Duke of York's Own) Fencibles were raised in 1798 by 
Andrew Hay of Montblairy. By its letter of service the regiment was to 
serve in any part of Europe but not beyond. It was inspected at Barn 
staple by Major-General Whitelocke, 29th March 1799, and sent on to 
Jersey, returning to England 9th December, when it was stationed at Ports- 
mouth. On 1st May 1800 it embarked for Gibraltar, where it spent the 
rest of its career, being disbanded at Gosport in May 1802. 

Four-fifths of Mr. Bulloch's book, and, from the military point of view, 
the most interesting parts of it, do not come within the scope of the present 
article, which cannot close, however, without a line of praise for his careful 
and exhaustive bibliography and iconography of the Gordon Highlanders 
and the local corps which, from time to time, have been bracketed with them. 

The spirit of distrust which tied Scotland down in the eighteenth century 
to the provision of Fencible regiments has disappeared. To Scotland's loss 
its tradition remains unbroken. It is still the policy of the War Office to 
strip and keep Scotland bare of troops. She cannot, it seems, either educate 
or train soldiers, and only six or seven counties in the kingdom have ever 
seen a regular regiment. Of the sacrifice, the parting, the pain of war, she 
bears her share, of its glamour and pomp, she sees nothing. She provides 
the blood, but in the material advantages to be derived from the presence 
and training of bodies of troops she does not share. What is true of the 
Infantry, not to mention the Artillery, is true even to a greater degree of 
the Cavalry. In her campaigns before the Union, Scotland had no difficulty 
in raising and equipping a cavalry, brave, numerous, and efficient. When 
the chance offers she is still eager to show what she can produce in that arm. 
The Tullibardine Horse and the Lovat Scouts may stand for the Highlands. 
In the Lowlands, Galloway alone could raise a cavalry brigade and still 
leave a hunter for the yeoman and a palfry for his bride. All her cavalry 
regiments have disappeared but one, the splendour of whose achievements 
might be sufficient to proclaim to the dullest intellect that the traditions so 
religiously cherished are inimical alike to the service of the king and the 
instincts of his people. Andrew Ross, Ross Herald. 


The Union Flag : Its History and Design. By John A. Stewart. With 
several Illustrations. Many coloured. 8w, 27 pp. Glasgow : The 
St. Andrew Society. 

In this little work, as interesting as it is useful, Mr. Stewart narrates 
concisely the history of the present Union Flag which, for practical 
purposes, commenced in 1707. By the Treaty of Union of that year the 
Queen was empowered to conjoin the crosses of St. George and St. Andrew 
in such manner as she should think fit, and her Majesty made an order in 
council accordingly. The sketches referred to in that order have gone astray. 
At the union of the three kingdoms in 1801 an order was issued by King 
George iii. specifying what the Union Flag in future was to be. Its blazon, 
quoted by Mr. Stewart at p. 16, is clumsy but unmistakable. While St. 
George was to have the place of honour by surmounting St. Andrew and St. 
Patrick, no distinction was made in their respective breadths. Every Union 
flag therefore which displays the St. George as broader than St. Andrew 
and St. Patrick is inaccurate. In heraldry the written word is the law, not 
a draughtsman's or seamstress's interpretation of it. For example, the 
Admiralty * pattern ' is an outrage on the blazon. Formulas for the breadth 
of the crosses are to be received with caution. Artists should be consulted, 
although not all officials are artists. Mr. Stewart contrives to give within 
the limits he has assigned to himself a great body of information and advice 
regarding the Flag. Andrew Ross, Ross Herald. 

The Scottish War of Independence : A Critical Studij. By Evan MacLeod 
Barron. London: James Nisbet and Co., 22 Berners Street, W. 
16s. net. Pp. xxvi + 499. 

Mr. Barron has produced what is easily the most thorough as it is the most 
challenging account of the Scottish War of Independence which has yet 
appeared. Even in the standard histories there is evidence of much 
fumbling with material, and no little misunderstanding owing to the adop- 
tion of a distorting point of view ; and that point of view one of a century 
and a half later, giving the impression that what might be called the Celtic 
portions of the country were fundamentally in opposition to the national 
cause. Mr. Barron can claim to have exposed this illusion by his close 
and critical handling of the material, and if any complaint is to be made, it 
is that perhaps his enthusiasm and very natural repulsion to Lowland 
complacency have carried him to a rather wider conclusion than his facts 
justify. This is no very serious fault. It would have been simply impos- 
sible to secure attention to his claim without pitching it at the very highest, 
and there is no denying that Mr. Barron has a great deal to say in a very 
effective fashion for his main contention. At the same time the map gives 
pause. If Caithness is to be marked as ' Teutonic,' are the Western Isles 
and Argyll to remain * Celtic ' after a Norse domination of four centuries 1 
Wallace's victory was only thirty-one years after the Battle of Largs. 



Every page of the book gives evidence of the careful and independent 
analysis of what our record shows regarding this most important period. 
For all the evident labour, however, which has been involved Mr. Barron 
carries his knowledge lightly, and his narrative is written in a brisk, lucid 
fashion. The occasional bouts of controversy with one historian or another 
also tend to keep things lively, and against facile fault-finding with the 
actions of Robert Bruce, and a narrow, moralistic handling of these, he has 
much to say that is effective, in addition to actual correction of error. 

Apart from this fresh and first-hand survey of the evidence, the book has 
its importance in the fact that it helps on a shifting of the normal attitude 
of historians in the treatment of early Scottish history. This has been 
referred to above, but it is just as well to insist that the sharp antithesis 
between Lowland and Highland, the referring of everything characteristic 
in our national history to the former quarter, and the bias against the latter 
as against an inferior race, though, of course, not invariably put so sharply 
— this sub-conscious distortion of things needs all the protest which can be 
made against it. It appears in other directions, and is to be condemned, in 
the first place, because it actually leads to distorted views of our history. 
It is a long story to trace how this category developed, until it receives 
expression in such a phrase as Mr. Barron quotes from Mr. Lang on 
p. 292 : * The War of Independence was won by the Lowland Scots.' If Mr. 
Barron can be accused of pressing his case too far on the one side, this 
is certainly as excessive as could be on the other, but it is a speci- 
men of much to be found in the pages of our orthodox historians. On 
the heels of Hill Burton's violent anti-Celtic prejudice came the equally 
violent Germanic bias of men like Freeman. This is the spirit that has 
been working in history for too long, and within the present field Mr. 
Barron's book is its effectual dissipation. There can be no excuse now for 
misunderstanding of the sequence of events in the War of Independence. 
Mr. Barron has done a notable and serviceable work for all interested in 
Scottish history. 

The volume is a substantial one, well bound and printed, and has a map 
of 'Scotland about 1300,' and two plans of the Battle of Bannockburn. 

W. M. Mackenzie. 


Highlanders and the War 
It was a bleak afternoon in January and the north wind blew hard and 
keen through the streets of Inverness. I was hastening to catch the after- 
noon mail train for the south and found the station densely crowded. A 
number of Cameron Highlanders of the Territorial force were returning to 
Bedford after a brief furlough at home, prior to their departure to the front, 
and friends and relatives were bidding them farewell. The kilted lads, 
with bronzed and eager faces, were infectiously cheerful and animated. 
Those who were natives of the town were surrounded by groups of deep- 

NOTES 189 

cjed women and girls, delighted boys who were keenly appreciative of an 
afternoon's freedom from school, and elderly men with stern, pale faces. 
Here and there young mothers with babies in their arms grudged the 
passing minutes as they conversed softly and earnestly with husbands who 
were being called away to face fearsome perils in a strange and distant 
land, their lips now tremulous with smiles, and now pouting with a new 
melancholy which had stolen into their lives. They were brave too, being 
true Highland women. 

I entered a compartment in which there were five Territorials, and a 
few seconds later the slamming of doors, which sounded like distant 
artillery fire, announced that the time of starting was at hand. We moved 
away amidst a storm of cheers and repeated farewells and the dwindling 
sound of the bagpipes. Then a sudden silence fell upon us all. The lads 
who had been leaning from the windows, shouting merrily and waving their 
hands, sat down and stared meditatively at the familiar landscape they 
were rapidly passing through. They were less cheerful than they had 
pretended to be. 

* Who was that girl you introduced me to ?' one asked suddenly of a 
tall, fair Highlander sitting opposite him. 

* My youngest sister,' was the quiet answer. 

* A bonnie lassie she is too.' 

*The best in our family. She's not one that ever says much. No; 
she 's so quiet, so shy, but she 's as true as steel. Last night the old folks 
were terribly dull and downspirited. But when she came in from her work 
she soon had them laughing and joking. Then she sang a song or two at 
the piano. Every one was cheerful at bedtime, but when I went into her 
room to say good night I found her crying. Ah ! she 's a fine girl, our 

' Well, that's the last of Inverness for a while anyway,' broke in another 
Cameron as he caught a passing glimpse of the town across a little bay. 
He opened the window, looked out, then seated himself and drew the 
window shut again. 

The youngest Territorial produced a parcel of pastry and began to 
distribute the contents. 

' Where is your active service badge 1 ' asked the fair Highlander some- 
what sharply. 

*I haven't got it yet,' the other answered in a low voice. 

* Haven't you volunteered 1 ' 

* I was never asked to volunteer.' 

' Oh ! you were never asked ? ' the fair one repeated twice over, with a 
tinge of sarcasm in his voice. ' If not, why have you not offered yourself 'i ' 

Four pairs of hard eyes were turned on the lad with the pastry. 

'Where do you come from 1 ' asked the eldest Cameron. 

'From Ross-shire,' was the answer. The youth was blushing. 

' You should be in the Seaforths. . . . Did you join the Camerons to 
wait until you would be asked to go out with the rest of the boys ? ' 


* Since you put it that way,' the youth remarked softly as he handed out 
more pastries, ' I 'II give you a straight answer. I '11 volunteer as soon as I 
get back.' 

'Now you're speaking like a man!' the fair Highlander commented. 
*But it is a pity,' he added wistfully, 'you didn't volunteer sooner.' 

'You should never have waited to be asked,' another added firmly. 

Such is the spirit which has pervaded the Highlands since the outbreak 
of war last August. In some districts ninety per cent, of the Territorials 
volunteered for active service quite spontaneously at mobilisation. The 
great majority of ex-Territorials also rejoined with little hesitation, not a 
few making great sacrifices in the hour of need. A profound realisation of 
public duty was everywhere made manifest, and soon the glens and town- 
ships and little burghs seemed to be inhabited by old men and women and 
girls and young children. Sturdy overgrown boys added a year or two to 
their ages and followed brothers and fathers to bring up battalions to full 
strength and overflow into new ones. Young men from southern cities also 
returned home singly and in batches to don kilts and shoulder rifles as 
eagerly as did their ancestors in other days. 

The conversation then turned to the discomforts and strain of trench 
fighting. ' To be quite frank, lads,' the fair Highlander said, ' I am not 
longing to go out.' 

* Neither am I,' agreed a fellow. ' But when the time comes to go, I 
will go cheerfully with the rest.' 

'Quite so,' the fair one assented; 'who wants to be maimed for life or 
killed in his prime ? At the same time who wouldn't face anything that has 
to be faced?' 

' I am with you,' another chimed in. ' We have to fight in this war 
just for the same reason as we have worked at home — for the sake of those 
who depend upon us.' 

'The old folks, and the women and the bairns,' said the fair Highlander. 
' We have to fight for them as did others before us among the hills.' He 
pointed to a ridge of snow-clad mountains. 'Look at them !' he exclaimed 
with fervour. ' The hills of the Highlands ! Many a time in Bedford I 've 
longed for a sight of them.' 

There was silence for a moment. All eyes were turned towards the 
serene mountains, and the faces of the Highlanders flushed with emotion and 
looked at once proud and self-conscious. 

The past, their own folks, and their native land had made these kilted 
■ lads patriots, men of honour and brave soldiers. They had been born in a 
country rich with traditions of self-sacrifice and heroism. Their very names 
were an inspiration to them. 

'Kemember,' the Highland mother says to a son who is leaving home 
for the first time, ' remember you are a Mackay . Never do anything which 
will bring disgrace to the name you bear.' So speak also, in the solemn 
moments of parting, mothers who are Erasers, Macraes, Macleods, 
Macdonalds, Mackenzies, Macdougals, or members of other proud and 

NOTES 191 

ancient clans. Highland pride is in essence self-respect : it is a sentimental 
attachment to an ideal ; it is also buttressed by traditions — family traditions, 
clan traditions, and territorial traditions. Highlanders have long memories. 
To them a hundred years seem of less duration than to a town-dweller. 
The humblest may trace his ancestry back to the days when clans were a 
reality and chiefs were chiefs indeed. He can people the centuries as other 
men people a single lifetime. 

*0n that hill yonder,' remarked an old Invernessian Highlander to the 
writer one summer evening, 'the women and children of the township 
watched the battle of Culloden. . . . Prince Charlie rode past where we 
are now standing when it was all over.' 

In the Hebrides you will still be shown the Prince's hiding-places. 
You will also be shown the houses of the heroes of the Peninsular War and 

'The men of Bragar,' exclaimed a native of that Lewis township to the 
writer, ' returned home blinded by the burning sands of Egypt. My father 
used to be telling me he remembered well the old blind soldiers who fought 
against Napoleon.' 

You will hear, too, of the heroes of many a clan fight on land and sea, in 
deep glens and on rough island shorelands, of broken clans and shattered 
galleys. Song and story of heroes and heroic deeds may thrill through a 
bagpipe tune which rouses the wearied soldier on a long march or invites 
him to share the glories of ancestral memory. Byron understood this when 
he wrote of the march to Waterloo : — 

And wild and high the ' Cameron's Gathering ' rose ! 

The war-note of Lochiel, which Albyn's hills 

Have heard, as heard, too, have her Saxon foes : 

How in the noon of night that pibroch thrills 

Savage and shrill ! But with the breath which fills 

Their mountain pipe, so fill the mountaineers 

With the fierce native daring which instils 

The stirring memory of a thousand years, 

And Evan's, Donald's fame rings in each clansman's ears. 

It is not to be wondered at that no part of the British Isles has dis- 
played more patriotism in the present war than the Highlands of Scotland. 
The sons of the sons of the clansmen have been found ready because they 
remember the past, and consequently look towards the future with 
confident hearts, cherishing the ideals which they inherit and seek to 
perpetuate, and inspired with that love of freedom and hate of tyranny 
which they imbibed with their mother's milk. The glens have been 
emptied of their manhood to-day because the glens are well loved, and 
because they are memoried places which perpetuate traditions of heroism 
and public duty. May this not be forgotten when the war is over ! The 
Highlander has not sought to bargain his patriotism with his fellow-citizens 
of Empire. His service is spontaneous and unconditional. He has a 
reputation to uphold, not only before the eyes of the world, but before 



himself. Let it be understood that his love of home and all that it means 
to him — that sentiment which unites the past with the present — is the 
essence of his patriotism. In the hour of his country's need he has not 
been found wanting. Nor will the Highlander ever be found wanting so 
long as the ideals for which the allied nations are now fighting are regarded 
also as his own particular right and portion. To him the land of glens and 
bens and heroes is the fairest land upon earth, and that land has made him 
the man he is. D. A. Mackenzie. 

Many Gaelic-speaking men are home wounded from the fighting line, 
and many more will undoubtedly be sent home before the war is finished. 

An Comunn Gaidhealach have arranged with the proper authorities 
to provide a small ward in Woodside Military Hospital, Glasgow, specially 
for Gaelic-speaking soldiers. It is promised by the Eed Cross Society that 
the ' Comunn Gaidhealach Ward ' will be in charge of a Gaelic-speaking 
nurse, and that a preference will be given to Highland Gaelic-speaking 
soldiers. £50 provides for one bed. 

Mr. Malcolm Macleod, 5 Church Koad, Ibrox, Glasgow, President of 
An Comunn Gaidhealach, has agreed to act as Treasurer, and to him sub- 
scriptions should be sent. We are sure many readers of the Celtic Review 
will gratefully take advantage of this opportunity. 

The Co-operative Council of Highland Home Industries — a body which 
owes its existence to An Comunn Gaidhealach — invites those who wish to 
buy or give orders for woollen goods of any kind for our soldiers or sailors 
to do so at the depdt at 132 George Street, Edinburgh, where there are 
quantities of tweed, hand-knit socks, knitting w^ool, etc. etc., made in the 
Highlands — largely in the Islands. 

The suspension of the herring fishing last season and this has alone 
meant the loss of many thousands of pounds to the girls and women of the 
islands, and knitting and weaving are among the few ways open to them 
of making a living. 

The Scotch Education Department have announced their intention to 
set a Gaelic paper in the Higher Grade at the next Leaving Certificate 
Examination. This decision, which comes none too soon, is wise, and it is 
to be hoped that advantage will be taken of it. As to requirements, the 
Department, in the meantime, asks each school to submit a scheme of study 
for approval. 

Two things have to be kept in view. The Gaelic paper will be in point 
of difficulty on a level with the paper set in other languages. The time, 
therefore, allotted to Gaelic in the school time-table must be much the same 
as that allotted to other languages. 



Rev. a. Maclean Sinclair, LL.D. 

990. GiUecatan 

1200. Aodh 

1020. GaUbrat 

1230. Morgan and Ferchar 

1050. Aod 

1260. Donald 

1080. Maddan 

1290. Aodh 

1110. Angus and Aod 

1320. Donald and Ferchar 

1140. Aod 

1350. Angus 

1170. Angus and John 

1380. Angus Og 

Aod, son of Gallbrat son of Gillecattan, was born about 
the year 1050. He had two sons, Gillemichel and Maddan. 
The Mackays of North Kintyre were descended from Gille- 
michel ; the Mackays of Strathnaver were descended from 
Maddan or Moddan. 

The Gaehc name Madadhan means little mastiff, and 
becomes in English Maddan or Moddan. The Gaelic name 
Aed, Aedh, Aod or Aodh means fire or a man of fire, and 
becomes in English Eth or lye. In Mackay * ay ' is not pro- 
nounced like ' a ' in gay, but like the letter * i.' Aed and Aod 
were in course of time softened down to Aedh and Aodh. 
I suspect that Ottar has generally been looked upon as 
being a Norwegian name. It is simply the Gaelic name 
Aod, which would appear in the writings of a Norwegian 
scribe as Ottar, the ' r ' being merely the sign of the nomina- 
tive singular masculine. 

Maddan, son of Aod son of GaUbrat son of Gillecattan, 
lived in Strathnaver and was a man- of prominence and 

VOL. X. N 



wealth. He had five children : Angus, Aod, Helga, Frakach 
and Thorlief. Angus was known to the Norwegians as 
Engus inn orvi, Aonghus Fial or Angus the Liberal. Aod 
was known to them as Ott or Otta. Some copyist, assuming 
no doubt that Engus was a Scandinavian name, changed 
it to Magnus. 

It is said that Aodh, son of Angus the Liberal, married 
the daughter of John, Bishop of Caithness from 1198 to 
1213, and that he had by her Angus his heir. The story 
which assures us that the Mackay who married the bishop's 
daughter had been chamberlain to the bishop is simply 
absurd. If a chamberlain would require to be able to read 
and write, it is quite likely that Angus did not possess the 
necessary qualifications. Aodh, son of Angus, son of Aodh, 
son of Angus, married in aU probability a daughter of 
Ferchar Mac-in-tagart, and had by her Morgan and Ferchar. 
Aodh, son of Donald, son of Morgan, had three children, 
Donald, Ferchar, and Marion or Mariotta. Donald suc- 
ceeded his father. Ferchar or Farquhar was physician to 
King Robert n. In 1379 he received from the king a 
charter of the lands of Melness and Hope. In 1386 he 
received from the same king a charter of the Little Islands 
of Strathnaver. It is probable that Alexander Stewart, 
the Wolf of Badenoch, son of King Robert, took Mariotta, 
Ferchar' s sister, to live with him, and that he had by her 
Alexander, Earl of Mar, and Margaret, wife of Robert, Earl 
of Sutherland. Donald, son of Aodh, married a sister of 
Roderick Macleod of Lewis, and had by her Angus, his 

In 1370 a meeting was held at Dingwall for the purpose 
of settling certain matters in dispute between William 
Gordon, Earl of Sutherland, and Donald Mackay of Strath- 
naver. As there was no settlement effected on the first 
day there was to be another meeting held on the next day. 
During the night Nicholas Sutherland or Gordon, brother 
of the Earl of Sutherland, entered the house in which Mackay 
and his son were sleeping, and murdered both of them. 


It is evident from this horrible act on the part of the 
Gordons that the decision to be given by the arbiters was 
likely to be in favour of the Mackays. 

Donald Macdonald, Lord of the Isles, claimed the 
Earldom of Ross, and in 1411 determined to take posses- 
sion of it. Angus Dubh Mackay met him at Dingwall as 
commander-in-chief of his own clan and other clans. In 
the battle which took place Angus was defeated and taken 
prisoner. Rory Gallda, his brother, was slain. If Angus 
Dubh had not been descended from Perchar Mac-intagart, 
it is not likely that the Ross-shire clans would have been so 
ready as they were to fight imder him. 

The Lord of the Isles sent Angus Dubh to Castle Tirim 
in Moidart. He was kept there for some time. He was 
of course treated with respect and kindness. 

It is possible that Angus Dubh handfasted with some 
woman, and that he had by her John Abrach. It is also 
possible that he married a woman who was within the pro- 
hibited degrees of relationship, and that the Lord of the 
Isles procured for him a dissolution of the marriage tie. 
John Abrach may have been bom as early as the year 1393, 
and may have been taken prisoner at Dingwall. He may 
also have been sent to Keppoch to be kept there and cared 
for by Alister Carrach. I suspect that such must have 
been the case. John Abrach was a man of ability and of 
a high sense of honour. He was also a good warrior. 

In 1411 or 1412 Angus Dubh married Elizabeth, sister 
of the Lord of the Isles and Alister Carrach, and was 
allowed to return to Strathnaver. In October 1415 he 
received from the Lord of the Isles a charter of the lands 
of Strathalladale, Pulrossie, Creich and others. In the 
charter he is described as Angus Og Mackay of Strathnaver. 
The witnesses were Lachlan Bronnach Maclean of Duart 
and Roderick Macleod of Lewis. 

In 1427 King James i. seized at Inverness, by an act 
of gross treachery, Alexander, Lord of the Isles, Angus Dubh 
of Strathnaver, Kenneth Mor Mackenzie, Angus Murray, 



and Macmahon. Angus Dubh was released in a short time, 
but had to give up to the king Neil, his son and heir. Neil 
was sent to the Bass Rock and kept there for a number of 
years. Owing to his long residence on the Bass, he came 
to be known among his people as Niall a Bhais, Neil Vass 
or Neil of the Bass. 

In 1433 Angus Murray of Cubin invaded Strathnaver. 
He was met by the Mackays at Drum nan Coup, which is 
about two miles from Castle Varrich. Angus Dubh was 
present, but was not allowed to take part in the battle. 
John Abrach, his eldest son, led the clan and proved him- 
self to be a gallant fighter. Angus Dubh was killed by an 
arrow. It is said that the man who slew him was concealed 
in some bushes. He was succeeded by his second son Neil, 
who escaped from the Bass in the summer of 1436. 

Neil Vass was born probably about 1412. He married 
a daughter of George Munro of Fowlis, and had by her 
Angus Roy and John Roy. Angus Roy married a daughter 
of Mackenzie of Kintail and had three sons, lye Roy, John 
Riabhach and Neil Naverach. He was put to death by 
the Rosses of Balnagown in 1486. John Riabhach, his 
second son, attacked and defeated the Rosses in July 1487. 
We find lye Roy described in 1496 as Y McKy of Straith- 
naver. He handfasted with a daughter of Norman, son of 
Patrick O'Beolan, and had by her John and Donald, both 
of whom were legitimated in August 151 1. John, son of 
lye Roy, succeeded his father in 1517, and was succeeded 
by his brother Donald in 1529. Donald married Helen, 
daughter of Alexander Sinclair of Stemster, son of the Earl 
of Caithness, and had by her lye Dubh and two daughters, 
lye Dubh succeeded his father in 1550. He handfasted with 
Helen, daughter of Macleod of Assynt, and had by her John 
Beg and Donald Balloch. He married Christy, daughter of 
John Sinclair of Dun, and by her had Uisdean Dubh, or 
Black Hugh, and William of Bighouse. He died in 1572. 

Uisdean Dubh was bom in 1561. He married Jane, 
daughter of Alexander Gordon, Earl of Sutherland, and 


had by her Donald, his successor, and John of Strathy. In 
an official document of the year 1587, we find him described 
as Macky of Far. He was a man of great energy and 
activity. He died in 1614. 

Donald, son of Uisdean Dubh, was bom in 1591, and 
succeeded his father in 1614. He was knighted in 1616. 
He purchased Reay, Sandside, Dachou, Borlum, Shurery, 
and other lands in 1624. In 1626 he raised, for service 
imder Gustavus Adolphus, 3600 men, consisting of 
Mackays, Sinclairs, Gunns, Gordons, Mimros and others. 
He was created a baronet, 1627, and shortly afterwards 
went to Germany, took charge of his men, and led them in 
several battles. He was raised to the peerage with the title 
of Lord Reay in 1628. He was married three times. By 
his first wife, Barbara, daughter of Kenneth Mackenzie of 
Kintail, he had four sons, lye, John, Hugh and Angus. By 
his third wife, a daughter of Francis Sinclair of Stircoke, 
he had three sons, William, Charles, and Rupert. He died 
at Copenhagen in 1649. His body was taken home and 
buried at Kirkibol. He was a man of brains, courage, and 
energy. His eldest son died young. He was succeeded 
by his second son, John. 

John, second Lord Reay, married a daughter of Colonel 
Hugh Mackay of Scourie, and had Donald, Angus, and 
Robert. Donald was a man of ability and worth. He 
was killed in 1680 by the accidental discharge of a barrel 
of gimpowder. Angus, second son of John, Lord Reay, 
was a brigadier in the army. The present chief of the 
Mackays is descended from him. 

George, son of the Donald who was killed in 1680, suc- 
ceeded his grandfather as Lord Reay, and also as chief of 
the Mackays, a much higher honour than being Lord Reay. 
A king can make a belted knight, a lord or duke, but a 
Highland chief he cannot make. Donald, son of George, 
was the fourth Lord Reay. He died in 1761. Rob Donn, 
who was an honest man and a good poet, composed a 
truthful and beautiful elegy about him. 



Professor Mackinnon 

(Continued from page 1 15) 


Is and sin ro fobair Ampiarus in t-uasal sacart do Grecaib 
Foi.i7bi. calma do denum. Acus ro gres a eochu ana athloma co 
talchar tindisnach, coma luaithred lan-min in roe^ croda 
comraic da eis each conair concinget in cairpthech sin. Acus 
ba delradach alaind ^ is in n-uair sin amail renna ro solesi 
taitnem a cathbarr cairn cumaidi ^ 7 a sciath cuanda capra- 
daig itir na cathaib ceachtarda. Acus imasae* fa na 
' sluagaib comma tregdailhi toitmithi tren-fhir tenda Thia- 
banda fo armaib each conair ina slaigid in sluag. Acus is 
and sin ro comraic do-sum ar lar in chatha 7 Flegias feochair 
fir-garg do Tiabandaib, 7 ro curset comlond croda curata re 
h-ed 7 athaig ^ co ro crechtnaig each aroih dib, 7 i forciund 
in comruie do rochair Flegias do laim ind arsig ^ Ampiaraus. 
Do riacht ar sin chuici fer dian ' diumsach sili do Thiabandaib 
.1. Pileius, 7 ro curset na curaid cruaid-irgal etorro, 7 ro thoit 
in Tiahanda do'n gleo sin. As ahaithli ^ sin ro beansat ^ ris 
in da na^ curaid croda comromacha do'n chiniud cetna .t. 
Cromis 7 Emeta, 7 ro fuaibredar^^ ar sin Ampiarus co 
h-ainmin 7 co h-acarb. Acht clana ba daib-sium tiug-ba(s) 
in tachair sin, uair do thoitset do gonaib amainse ^^ aicbeU 
Ampiarus. Atchoncadar sin^^ ^riar talchar trenfher do 
Tiabandaib ro luath-indsaiged ar^^ Ampiarus do digail na 
sarecht^^ sin air .1. Iponorus 7 Sagis 7 Guan^^ glond-mer 
gaiscedach, 7 frecrais 7 frithailis in t-arsaig^^ Ampiarus 

* tL 2 dath-alaind. ^ cumdaighi. '* imaseig. 

* Eg. adds cor* lio samalta re crothad gdithe na Mich sin, 7. ® dirsidh. 

7 Eg. omits. s Ahaithli. »~9 in da. i** fopratar. " E.g. omits. 

^ Eg. adds tra. i^ gg^ omitg^ h ^^ n-echt. ^^ Gifan. i« MS. arnaig. 




And now the noble Greek priest Amphiarus proceeded to 
perform deeds of valour. He urged his splendid, nimble 
steeds persistently, pressingly, so that the bloody battle- 
field behind him was a surface of finely ground ashes in 
every path over which that chariot fighter drove. Brilliant 
and beautiful Hke very bright stars was at that time the 
gleam of his fair, well-shaped helmet and of his polished, 
wooden shield as he moved between the battalions of either 
people. He careered among the hosts with such effect 
that stout and strong Thebans, pierced and fallen by his 
weapons, strewed each path as he hewed his way among the 
hosts. There encountered him in the centre of the field 
the fiery, fierce Theban Phlegyas. The two fought a brave, 
valiant duel for a space and a while ; both were wounded ; 
but the issue of the combat was that Phlegyas fell by the 
hand of the veteran Amphiarus. Then there attacked him 
a vehement, haughty Theban, Phyleas. The champions 
fought a stem fight and the Theban fell in the conflict. 
Thereafter two brave, contentious champions of the same 
race set upon him, Chromis and Crematon. These attacked 
him roughly and stoutly. Still it was to them their last 
fight, for both fell by the severe, fatal woimds (inflicted) by 
Amphiarus. When three stout, sturdy Thebans saw this they 
straightway made for Amphiarus to avenge these renowned 
feats, viz. Iphinous and Gages and fearful, heroic Gyas. 
The veteran Amphiarus met this fresh onset by his crushing, 
hearty, warlike blows, which made the fair, white-skinned 



iat o brath-buillib mera mileta comtis ^ fadba fiar-letairthe 
cuirp chaema chnes-gela na curad comramach ua^ chro- 
lindtib fola fichithi foruaidi da eis. Acus ar na toitim leis 
ro fhobair Alchatonus ^ Tiabanda an irgail air, 7 ro (f )rithail- 
sium h-e ; 7 tarraid cloich cruaid comamais, 7 tarlaic 
(urchar) do Alchatonus ^ co r' bean i cleithi i cend-mullaig 
CO torcair can anmain. 

Adchondair ri sotal sar-echtach do Tiauandaib in t-echt 
sin .1. Ipseus mac Assapos ; 7 ba trom 7 ba tren-galar les 
na h-ara acgarba aidbli dorad Ampiarus ar na slogaib, 7 
nir ael ^ fulang do gan a digail air, gen gor ^ thais da eneoch, 
amal ro bui ^ ac slaigi gasraidi Grec. "^ Acus o "^ ro com- 
raicsedar in da curaid croda sin ro gab each dib ac tarcasin ® 
7 ac tomaithium uar ^ aroiH. 

d' chondairc tra Apaill deu na faistine sin tuc urchar 
da ga^o don araid ro bui i carbat Ampiaraus .t. Alegmon co 
ro thoit gan a(n)main as a carbad amach. Acus tanic fen 
Foi. I7b2. 'na inad, 7 ro gob deilb in n-arad fair, 7 ^^ rue les na h-eochu 
7 in carpad ar imgabail Ipseus. Acus ro bui Apaill and 
sin ac setugud carpait Ampiarius 7 ac dirgud a ^^ urchur 7 
certugud ^^ a ech conatabrad in fer sin f as-builli no urchur 
cen amus. Ro didned dno ^^ h-e con a echaib ar urcharaib 
aicbeli a bidbad. Is and sin ro iadsat in cethrar ^^ curada 
do Tiabandaib im Ampiarus .t. in cosigi mer mor-dalach 
Menelaus, 7 in marcach ard allata Antipus,^^ 7 in t-arsich 
eingnuma Accion, 7 in laech lond mer Lapus. Ro comgres 
Apaill eochu Ampiarus i cend na curad sin co dian 7 co 
dasachtach, 7 ro imir cles carpait forru contorchradar ^'^ 
ua chosaib na n-ech con(d)erna comach 7 combrud ^^ da 
cnamaib fa ^^ chorraib 7 co fuaridar bas. Cid tra acht ba tair- 
mesc erma 7 imtechta do na h-echaib sin Ampiarus cona roictis 
a cosa 2® comgabail in talman re h-imad na corp cnes-gel 
curad letarthi ^i 7 na sleg sesmach sir-(sh)aiti a sechnachaib 

^ combidis. 

2 fo. 

3~3 Alcatous. 

* Ut a fhulang. 

* c^in cor. 

6 Eg. adds fen. 

"^'"^ omits. 

* tarcusne. 

^ omits. 

i« gai. " omits. 

12 omits. 

12 certud. 

1* MS. I 

^^ cethern. 

1^ Intipus. 

1^ Eg. adds son. 

^^ combrisedh. 

15 uo. 

»o Eg. adds a. 

21 letartha. 


bodies of the champions mangled masses (steeped in) pools 
of vanquished (?) deep-red blood. When these fell Alcathous 
the Theban took up the quarrel (Amphiarus) responded. 
He seized a hard, serviceable stone and threw it at Alcathous 
and hit him on the roof of his skull and killed him. A proud, 
very powerful Theban king observed this, Hypseus son of 
Asopus. He felt sad and sore at the fierce and heavy 
slaughter which Amphiarus made among the troops, and 
could not bear to leave them unavenged without injury (?) to 
his honour, so sore was he smiting the warriors of the Greeks. 

As these two hardy champions fought each of them flung 
affronts and contumelious language at the other. 

Now when Apollo the god of prophecy observed this he 
made a cast of his spear at Aliagmon, Amphiarus' s charioteer, 
which made him fall lifeless out of the chariot. He himself 
took his place and assumed the likeness of the charioteer, 
and guided the horses and chariot out of the reach of 
Hypseus. Apollo was then guiding the chariot of Amphi- 
arus, directing his shots, and driving his horses to such effect 
that the latter did not deliver an ineffective blow or a shot 
that missed its mark. He also shielded man and horses 
from the vengeful casts of his foes. And now these four 
Theban champions closed round Amphiarus, the spirited, 
stately Menalas on foot, the high, renowned Antiphas on 
horseback, the famous veteran Aethion, and the fiery hero 
Lampas. Apollo drove the steeds of Amphiarus swiftly, 
furiously against these champions. He practised a chariot- 
feat upon them so that they fell under the horses' feet. 
Their bodies were crushed and their bones broken under 
the wheels of the chariot, and they thus were slain. And 
now the horses of Amphiarus raced and sped with such 
frenzy that their hoofs reached not the ground from the 
many white-skinned carcasses of mangled champions and 



na * saer chland cor' ba comderg uili ^ a eich 7 a charpat o 
braenaib fola falcmaer i ^ taebaib tren-milead togaidi. 

Ro ben imorro Apaill ann sin a deilb n-druidechta * de, 
7 da chuaid 'na richt fen, 7 ^ ro labair ^ ra h-Ampiarus 7 is 
ed ro raid : ' Is i seo,' ' ar se, ' crich 7 cindiud ^ do shaeguil, 
7 ni edaim ^-sea t' imdegail ni a sia, 7 merdait ^® do scela 7 
do chlu CO forcend ^^ sasgail 7 co deread n-aimsiri. Acus 
erig i muigib aduathmara ifirn amal ro cindned dit, uair is 
ferr duid ^^ ina beth ^^ cen adbaid n-adnocail ^^ i tir na Tebi 

Ro recair Ampiarus 7 is ed ro raid : ' A uasail, a Apaill,' 
ar se, ro airigis tu isin carpud, 7 is fir a n-abraid ^* uair 
adcluim-sea fen srotha grana garb-fuara ifirn ar a trethan 7 
ar a tondgail ^^ ac imiaraid, 7 adcluinim dno ^® Cerber craes- 
soslaici, cu Oirc,^' doirrseoir imnedach ^^ ifirm ac am ^^ astraig 
ac orm gairm, 7 beir-siu let na coroni ^° coserctha stat ma ^^ m' 
chend, uair ni dlegur a m-breth a n-ifim.' Ro erich imorro 22 
Apaill uad-sum asahaithli sin 7 ro (f)acaib e ; 7 o da chuaid 
uad tuc Ampiarus a chned curad os aird re h-ecla ind 

Et^^ is ann sin tanic trethan 7 talam-cumscugad mot 
isin talmain a rabadar co ro erig a luaithred 7 a lan-gainem 
cor' ua ceo comdluith cumascda i timchell na sluag. Et ^^ 
ro comerig torand tren mox tolgach ar sin, co ^4 ro chiubrig 
7 CO 24 ro chengail na catha ceachtarda nar ba tualaing 
FoLiSai. dumdib ursclaidi na h-imbualadh is in n-uair sin, acht ro 
uadar 'na sesam 7 cranda a sleg cosaiti ^^ re n-ochtaib ; 7 ^^ 
orobadar-som amlaid sin co tai tostach re h-ecla m-bresmad- 
manda bratha buaidirthe ^^ adchualadar, ro dianscailed ^^ in 
talam in tan sin comma h-all fir-domuin fudomanta forba 
na f aichthi fond-glaisi ara rabadar. 

* Eg. omits. 

^ Ro ben imorro. 

• fedaim. 

*' Eg. adds in as beth. 
" Eg. adds uruadhaichl 
2^ fo. omits. 
26 saiti. 26 ,,inits. 

2 oiJ. ^ a. 

^ Eg. adds imorro. ^ so. 
^^ merait. ^^"" forcind. 

" abraim. ^^ tondgar. 

*^ Eg. omits. ^^ agum. 
22 omits. 23 omits. 

2' m-bratha m-buaidirtha. 

^ draighdechta. 

* cinned. 
"-^2 am betha. 
i« MS. I 
^^ coiroine. 
2* -24 omits. 
^ dianscail. 


spears firmly fixed in the sides of noble warriors, so that horses 
and chariot were red all over with the drops of wet deep-red 
blood that streamed from the sides of select strong warriors. 

Then Apollo divested himself of his wizard guise. He 
assumed his own form and addressed Amphiarus and spoke 
thus : ' This,' said he, ' is the end and termination of your 
life. I may not shield you further. But your story and 
fame shall endure till the close of ages and the end of time. 
And now go to the horrid plains of hell, as has been decreed 
regarding you, for this is a better fate than to be without 
a place of sepulture in the land of Thebes.' Amphiarus 
replied to him, and thus spoke : ' Noble Apollo,' said he, ' I 
felt that it was you who has been beside me in the chariot. 
And what you have said is truth, for I myseK hear the rush 
and roar of the loathsome, rough-cold streams of hell await- 
ing me, and I hear also the wide-mouthed Cerberus the dog 
of Orcus, the dread doorward of hell inviting and calling 
me. But do you take with you the sacred laurels that en- 
circle my brow, for it is unlawful to bring them to hell.' 
Now after that Apollo went away and left him ; and when 
he did so, Amphiarus groaned loud and sore in fear of the 
disaster awaiting him. 

Then there came a great rush and earth-quaking in the 
ground on which he was, so that the dust and all the sand 
rose and made very thick, confusing mist around the hosts. 
Thereafter came mighty great crashing thimder, which held 
and bound the battalions on either side so that they were 
for the time unable either to attack or smite, but only to 
stand with the shafts of their spears fixed against their 
breasts. As they stood thus terrified by the crashing, de- 
structive, stupefying sounds which they heard , the earth widely 
opened at once so that the surface of the green lawn on which 
they stood became a very deep, profound cave. The earth 
opened and swallowed up the mighty and great Amphiarus 
with his weapons and armour and horses and chariot, and 
he went without retracing a step straight down to the 
bottom of cold hell. 



Acus ro oslaic in talman 7 ro sluic Ampiarus tren adbal 
con a armaib 7 con a erred 7 con a echaib 7 con a charpad 
no ^ CO ranic co ^ h-ichtar ifirn n-ad(fh)uair cen chem ar cula. 

O ra siacht imorro Ampiarus in ifirn ro gob grain 7 ecla 
aireachta^ aduathmar^ ifirn remi, uair nir ba h-aithnig^ 
daib conici sin miled gan marbad na eich na carbaid do 
rochtain chucu. Acus tuc Oirc, ri ifirn athais mor ar daib 
nua-glana nime ^ m'an "^ fer sin do lecud ® chuci.^ Acus do 
rigni spraic moir 7 tomaitheam adbul ar Ampiarus. Ro 
(f)recair Ampiarus co h-obann 7 co h-enirt dosum 7 is ed 
ro raid : ' Toirind t'(fh)eirg,' ar se, ' uair ni d'indred na 
d'argain ifirn tanac-sa, 7 ni tra m'olc fen tuc chucaib-si me, 
acht mo ban-cheli ^^ fen dam brath ar i muntorc oir do tho- 
bairt do Argia di .t. do mnaoi Polinices. Acus ro ailgiusa ^^ 
me fen ar teiched thoigechta^^ do thogail Tebi, uair ro 
fhedur co fuigbind m'aeded^^ aici. Acus na bid a^* olc 
acid-su^^ mo thoidecht-sa ille, uair do gentar cluicheada 
caintecha ^^7 adnocail ^® onoracha dam ac Grecaib 7 cuirsed ^' 
me an grian brodaib ^^ ailli ^® ifirn.' 

Ro cendsaiged tra aicned Oirc o t' chualaich sin 7 ro 
(f)aem gach ni ro raid Ampiarus. Da rig dhec ro marb 
Ampiarus in sacart .1. in fer tuaichell tuicsenach dathog- 

Imtusa nan Grec imorro : robadar ac iarraid Ampiarus 
sechnon in chatha, uair nir ba demin las a ^^ aiged in fhir sin, 
7 ba h-eclach iad resin tulmaidm talman adchond catar ar 
lar in maigi i rabadar. Et in am ^^ ro badar amlaid sin tanic 
Palemon, taisech do Grecaib, do chum Adraist 7 ro indis do 
2^ aiged Ampiarus .1. a thoitim is in tulmaidm ^^ thalman 7 
Foi.i8a2. gan a faicsin na diaid 7 adbart : ' A aird-ri,' ar se, ' facbum 
in tir n-aneoil n-urbadach-sa i tangamar, uair atat tulcha 
na Tebi ac slucad na slog 7 atat a curaid 'gar commaideam 

* omits. 

* aithnid. 
^ chucu. 

^' aeiged. 
^^ cuiridh-si. 
2^ omits. 

2 omits. 

3 oireachta. * aduathmara. 

^ nim. 

^ mun. * lecen. 

*^ omits. 

" failgiusa. ^^ thoigecht. 

^^ omits. 

*^ agutsa. *^*^® omits. 

*^ brogaib. 

^^ omits. 20 togaidhi. 

22 uair. 

23-23 Ampiarus do thoitim tulmaidm is in. 


Now when Amphiarus arrived in hell abhorrence and 
fear of him took hold of the dreadful cohorts of hell, for 
hitherto they knew not of an unslain warrior or horses or 
a chariot reaching their abodes. And Orcus the king of 
hell greatly blamed the bright gods of heaven for permitting 
that man to come to them ; and greatly censured and 
violently threatened Amphiarus himself. Amphiarus replied 
to him feebly and faintly and spoke thus : ' Calm your 
wrath,' said he, ' for I have not come to raid and harry hell ; 
and it is through no sin of my own that I am here, but 
because my wife betrayed me for a necklace of gold which 
Argia the wife of Polinices gave to her. And I myself 
wished to avoid coming to destroy Thebes, for I knew that 
I should come to a violent end there. Do not you take 
it ill that I have come thither, for the Greeks will hold 
fimeral games to my memory and give me honourable 
burial ; but place me in the beautiful, sunny regions of hell.' 
When Orcus heard this his mind was soothed and he con- 
sented to do everything that Amphiarus said. Twelve 
Theban chiefs did Amphiarus the priest slay, that acute, 
intelligent, excellent man. 

As to the Greeks now. They were searching for 
Amphiarus throughout the battle-field for they were not 
certain of his death, but they were frightened at the earth- 
quake which they witnessed in the middle of the field in 
which he was. And while they were thus occupied, Palaemo 
a Grecian chief came to Adrastus and told him of the fate 
of Amphiarus, how he fell in the earthquake and was not 
seen afterwards, and added : ' High King,' said he, ' let us 
leave this strange and dangerous coimtry to which we came, 
for the knolls of Thebes are swallowing our warriors and 
her champions are defying us, and their gods are betraying 
and forsaking us.' Adrastus was stupefied by this calamity. 


7 an dei 'gar m-brath 7 'gar trecum. Ro h-ocht ^ Adraist 
ar a n-ecen sin, 7 ro chreid achetoir sin cei(n) no ^ co tangadar 
dias eile do munter chuci .1. Mopsus 7 Actor, 7 cor' indiseadar 
ana cetna do conathuilled 7 con a tormuch. 

Acus is do'n seel sin ro impotar catha croda nan Grec 
do chum a longpuirt co teichech ^ 7 co tindisnach na * gan 
crich comlaind 7 gan reb chatha do chorigud.^ Ua scitha 
a n-eich 7 a n-araid 7 bat mertnecha a milid 7 ba toirsech a 
trenf hir ahaithli na h-irgaili sin ^ ar tuit ^ Ampiarus. Dala 
na Tiabanda imorro bu subach sonairt ro chuingset,*^ 7 
tanic ind agaid fae sin. Get cath na Tebi sin. 

Ba dubach do-meanmnach tra ro chaithseadar Greic^ 
in n-aidchi sin ina longport,^ 7 ni h-ead molad a n-ech(t) 
na 'n engnuma fein do rindsed acht comroma Ampiarus 7 
a gnimrada ^^ gdbiacid d'indism. Acus ro chindsead sollamna 
seineamla 7 idbarta onoracha do denam do, 7 ro badar 
snima 7 sir-imsnima in chathaighthi co mor ara menmain- 
daib nan Grec, cein no co ro-s-toit ^^ a suan 7 a iir-chotlud 

Nir ba h-amlaid sin tra ro chaithset na Tiabanda ind 
aidchi sin ; acht ro badar ac ol 7 ac aibnius 7 ac admolad 
an ^2 engnuma an aithrech 7 a sen-aithrech 7 ac idbartaib ^^ 
da n-(d)eib uaisli adartha. Et is i sin cet adaig indister 
Eidib mac Laius, athair Ethiocles 7 Polinices do tobairt 
ahaithli a dal(l)ta, d'ol 7 d' aibnius do chum na Tiabanda, 7 
indister co nar foilcead a fholt 7 co nar h-indlad a aiged o 
ra dellad h-e co h-aes na fuairi ^^-sea ar met na duba. Acus 
ni d'ol na d'aibnis no ^^ tainic cucu is in n-aidchi sin acht do 
commorad in^^ chatha iter na Tiabandaib 7 na Grecaib. 
Acus ba h-alaind in cleithi do nid-som. Acus ^' is amlaid 
sin ro badar in lucht sin in aidchi sin, Adraist imorro, ardri ^* 
Grec, ge ra chadladar ^^ a shloig re h-athscis na h-irgaili, nir 
chadail fen ac eistecht re gairib suba 7 so-menman na 

» Socht 

2 MS. I 

3 teichedhech. 

* omits. 

* chorud. 

^~^ omits. 

" chuinnsit. 

8 Grecda. 

* lonportaib. 

^0 gnimartha. 

" toitsit. 

" omits. 

" idbart. 

1* h-uairi. 

ifi MS. I 

i» omits. 

17 omits. 

*^ 7 airdrigha. 

I'J MS. chladadar ; 


ger ro cotlu 


He straightway believed what was told him ; and there- 
after two others of his people, Mopsus and Actor, came and 
repeated the same story with additions and increase. In 
consequence of this information the brave battalions of the 
Greeks retm'ned to the camp without a decisive fight and 
imattended by the trappings of battle. Their horses and 
charioteers were exhausted, their warriors were depressed, 
and their men of valour were sad after that struggle in 
which Amphiarus fell. The Thebans on the other hand 
marched merrily and strenuously. And night fell at this 
juncture. Such was the first battle of the Theban war. 

Mournfully and sadly now did the Greeks pass that 
night in their camp. They lauded not their own exploits 
or achievements, but they spoke of the combats of Amphi- 
arus and his feats of valour. They resolved to celebrate 
special solemnities and to offer noble sacrifices in his honour. 
The thoughts and pressing anxieties of the war weighed 
heavily on the minds of the Greeks until they fell asleep. 
But not thus did the Thebans pass that night. They drank 
and made merry ; they lauded their own achievements and 
recalled those of their fathers and grandfathers ; they 
offered sacrifices to their honourable, adorable gods. And 
it is reported that this was the first night that Oedipus son 
of Laius and father of Etiocles and Polinices, since he 
became blind, was brought to scenes of joy to Thebes. It 
is further related that since he was blinded his hair was not 
cleansed nor his face washed until that time because of his 
great sorrow. Nor was it to drink and enjoy himself that 
he appeared among them that night, but to promote the 
war between the Thebans and the Greeks, and right 
nobly did he perform his part. Such was the manner in 
which the (Thebans) passed that night. But as to Adrastus, 
the high King of the Greeks, although his troops after 


Tiabanda is an aidchi sin. Acus be h-adbul a imshuim 
leiseom sin. 

O thainic imorrow la con a lan-soillsi ar na barach do 
rigned ^ condi 7 comairli ac Grecaib da ordugud cia no 
rigf aidis in inad Ampiarus. Acus ^ do genad ^ f aistine 7 
fir-eolus d' aisneis dara eiss daib. Is h-e tra ro h-ordaiged 
leo 'ne inad in fisid fir-eolach .t. Tiodomus ^ mac Malampus. 
Acus is e athair ind fhir sin Melampus dorindi f aistine aroen ^ 
re h- Ampiarus do Grecaib re teacht ar in sluaiged sin. Et 
o ra h-omed ^ tra '^ co honorach and-sin Tiodomus in n-inad 
Ampiarus ro eirig co subach in sacairt sin 7 do rigni idbarta 
7 admolta les a n-onoir ^ na bande ^ terra ,l, an talman, ar 
bithin na ^ dian-scsiled 7 na ^^ dluiged fo Grecaib amail do 
rigne ba ^^ Ampiarus. Acus ^^ do rondad dno ^^ leo idbarta 7 
Foiisbi. adnucul onorach 7 cluichi caintecha d' Ampiarus. 

Acus o thairnig sin ro erigedar badba bel-derga bruth- 
mara 7 irdemna aduathmara ichtair ifirn co cathraig na 
Tiabanda da aslach 7 da furail forru comergi d'indsaiged 
na ^^ n. Grec. Acus is bee na ro srainit aes ^^ a sludraigib tigi 
na Tibi re trethan 7 re tendscedul na Tiabanda and sin a 
comergi in n-oen fhecht dar vii n-doirrsib delithi arda 
ur-aibhni na cathrach comdaingni re gresacht na m-badb 
m-buaidirthi sin oru. 

Acus ^^ is amlaid do chuadar a mach .1. Ro gres i' imorro 
Orson croda curata a buidin dar in dorus n-ard ^® solus-glan 
dan-ad ainm Oegis, 7 tanic Ethiocles, ardri na Tiabanda, 
dar in dorus niamda n-alaind .1. Neistae nimorda ro bai 
fair.^^ Tanic Emon airsid con a fur-rigib dar dorus Emolois 
chind leoman a comartha seic. Ro erig imorro Ipseius mac 
Asopus dar dorus primda Perdida delba dregon ^^ do rindad 
and seig.21 Tanic Drias dasachtach .t. ri Tanagara o'n uarda 22 
oigretaig con a dirmaib ^3 deag-sluaig dar dorus alaind 

* conni. 2 omits. ^ denum. * Titodomus. 

^ omits. 6 Yi.ororaigid. ^ omits. ^"^ nam bainndei, 

® nach. 10 nach. ^^ fa. ^^ omits. 

" MS. J. Eg. omits. " omits. ^^ as. *^ omits. 

" Eg. adds imorro. is n. allata. ^^ furri. ^o dragon. 

21 sidheic. 22 fuardha. ^^ dirmonaib. 


the great exhaustion of the fight slept, he could not, listen- 
ing to the Thebans' shouts of merriment and hilarity 
during the night ; for this was a matter of grave concern 
to him. 

But when day with its full light came on the morrow 
the Greeks held meeting and council to decide who should 
rule in the room of Amphiarus and in his stead instruct 
them by prophecy and learning. The man selected to fill 
his place was the learned seer Thiodamus son of Melampus ; 
the same Melampus who jointly with Amphiarus had pro- 
phesied for the Greeks before they had come on this expedi- 
tion. Now when Thiodamus was with all ceremony in- 
stalled in the office of Amphiarus that priest rose joyously 
and offered sacrifices and praise in honour of Terra, i.e. the 
earth, inasmuch as it had not opened up and parted asunder 
under the Greeks as it did under Amphiarus. They made 
also sacrifices and honourable burial and held funeral games 
in memory of Amphiarus. 

When these ceremonies were concluded the red-lipped, 
fiery furies and the dreadful demons of lowest hell went to 
the city of the Thebans to urge and entreat them to rush 
forth and attack the Greeks. The walls of Thebes were 
wellnigh wrenched from their foundations by the rush and 
onset of the Thebans as they sallied forth at the same time 
through the seven noble, high, magnificent gates of that very 
strong city at the instigation of these terrible furies. In 
this order they marched out. The brave, valorous Creon 
led his troops through the high, bright gate named Ogygus ; 
Etiocles the high King of the Thebans marched through 
the shining, beautiful gate Neitae with its gleam of gold ; 
Haemon the veteran with his dependent princes passed 
through the gate Homoloides crested with heads of lions ; 
Hypseus, son of Asopus, went by the old gate Proetides, 
carved with figures of dragons it was ; the furious Dryas, 
King of Tanagra, from the icy Uarda, with his swarms of 
stout troops, went forth through the beautiful gate Electrae, 
it was decorated with figures of serpents ; Eurymedon with 
VOL. X. o 


Elechtra,* nathracha ro fursannait and side. Tanic 2 
Ewinedon con a munter mor-menmnaig dar dorus n-ilbrec 
denad anim Ipsitas, delba loiscend ^ batar and side.^ Tanic 
dno ^ in milid mor menmnach Menidcheus dar dorus 
n-daingen Dirse, delba buthfad badar and side.® 

Nir ba suaill am ' in ni ris ba samalta comergi in 
t-(s)luaig sin ac facbail na cathrach u, re fuaim 7 re fothrand 
na fairrgi fondglaisi co orithnaig 7 co comgluais in cruindi 
comfhairsing re treathan na tonn ac triall tar trachtaib in 

Dala na n-Grec imorro. Ro ergedar co malla ^ mertnech 
do chum in chatha in la sin, 7 ro iadsad anm sin munter 
Ampiarus im Tiodomas mac Menelapus,^ co ro b'e in seclit- 
mad ri do Grecaib in la sin is in cath. Is and sin ro orduich 
gach ri dib sin a trein ^^ 7 a thaisich inna fiadnaisi fri comruc 
7 cathugud dar a cend. Mairg am ^^ do Grecaib 7 do Tiaban- 
daib 11 da tanic in la sin,^^ uair ro facbaid airechta gan urrigu 
dib 1^ 7 tuatha cen taisechu 7 bailada ^^ gen brugugu 7 caith- 
barr^^ (c)hoaemu cen curadu 7 airm gen fiadnu 7 carbaid 
cen comarbada ^^ da comergi don gleo garb tren in lae sin. 

* Elecctra. 2 jjg. adds ann. '^ bathfadh. * omits. 

5 MS. I 6 omits. 7 Eg^ ^dds ann. « mall. 

» Melampus. >» treoin. """omits. ^2 j;g. adds ac Grecidh. 

" omits. ^* bailte. »° cathbhairr. i« comarba. 


his high-spirited followers passed through the speckled gate 
named Hypsistas, figures of toads embellished it ; and 
finally Menoecus, the great, courageous warrior, tramped 
through the strong gate Dircaca, carved with figures of 
bitterns. The rush of the hosts as they left the city might 
indeed be with truth compared to the sound and roar of 
the green, surfaced sea as it shakes and moves the spacious 
globe by the thimder of its waves as they dash on the strands 
of the earth. 

With respect to the Greeks, they, on the other hand, 
marched to battle on that day slowly, reluctantly. Amphi- 
arus's troops attached themselves to Thiodamus son of 
Melampus, who was thus one of the seven Grecian kings in 
the battle that day. Then each king of these marshalled 
his champions and chiefs in his presence to fight and battle 
at their head. The coming of that day was in truth a 
cause of woe to Greeks and Thebans alike, for there were 
left three multitudes without chiefs to head them and tribes 
without leaders and towns without yeomen and fair helmets 
without champions' (heads to fill them) and weapons 
without masters and chariots without charioteers to drive 
them, as the result of the mighty, fierce conflict fought on 
that day. 



Douglas Hyde, LL.D. 

I N-OiLEAN Ada do chomhnuigh an Preachan. Nior thai- 
thigh se i gcoill i gcrann na i dtom ; acht i sean-cheardcha. 
Do chaith se a shaoghal gach oidhche insan mbhadhain, agus 
gach bhadhain d'a re 'na luidhe ar an inneoin. Agus mar is 
gnath le h-eanlaith go coitchionn a ngob do chumailt anois 
agus aris do cebe nidh is fuisge doibh, thugadh an preachan 
cor-chumailt, anois agus aris, d'aghob ar adharc na h-inneoine. 
Ar deireadh thiar thall, bhi an adharc chomh caol agus 
chomh caithte le snathaid mhoir o'n t-sior-chumailt ! 

Tharla, oidhche airighthe, stoirm mhor le sneachta agus 
sioc agus le gaoith an-trein. Fuaidigheadh na cleitheacha 
de 'n cheardcha, agus d'imthigh clumh agus cleiteacha an 
phreachain in a gcuideachta. Bhi an preachan bocht 
chomh lom-nocht ar maidin d'eis na h-oidhche milltighe 
seo, gan cleite na clumh ar a cholainn, agus da sgalthai e le 
h-uisge fiuchtha. 

An trath shoillsigh solas an lae bhi ciunas agus suaimh- 
neas ar aghaidh na cruinne, acht bhi droch-mhisneach ar 
an bpreachan agus bhi eagla air ionnsuidhe amach, toisg an 
ide dhona tharla dho. ' O ! ' ar se, leis fein, ' is fada 
ar an tsaoghal me, agus nior mhothaigh me aon oidhche 
eile chomh doineanta leis an oidhche areir. Is e mo bhar- 
amhail fein nach bhfuil feithide ar bith insan domhan go 
h-uile nios sine 'na me fein, mara bhfuil lolar mor Leic-na- 
bhfaol nios sine, agus ta me i n-amhras gur sine an t-iolar. 
Ar an adhbhar soin rachad fa n-a dhein chum fios d'fhaghail 
uaidh ar mhothaigh se oidhche ar bith ariamh chomh fuar 
agus chomh dona leis an oidhche areir.' 


An trath do mhothaigh an preachan soillse agus teas na 
greine, sgeinn se amach ar inntinn triall go dti an t-Iolar. 
Bhi se ag imtheacht agus ag sior-imtheact go dtainig go 
nead an lolair. 

' Aru ! ' ar san t-Iolar, ' a Phreachain a chroidhe, cad 
e tharla dhuit, no ce ndeachaidh do chlumh agus do chuid 
cleiteach ? ' 

' ! na fiafruigh sin diom,' ars an Preachan, ' nar 
mhothaigh tu f ein f uacht agus doineann na h-oidhche areir ? ' 

' Nior mhothaigh me dionog [?] de'n gharbh-shion sin 
air a dtraqhtann tu,' ars an t-Iolar. 

' Maiseadh ba throm i do shuan mar sin', ars an Preachan, 
*nior mhothaigh me fein aon oidhche eile riamh a bhi 
leath chomh millteach lei, agus ata a rian orm. Thain- 
igeas fa do dhein-se chun fios d'fhaghail uait an dtainig 
oidhche ar chor ar bith le do linn-se nios fuaire 'na i. Mar 
mheasas go raibh tu nios sine 'na me fein.' 

'Nil bun-ughdar na data ar bith agam-sa le m'aois ar 
an t-Iolar, 'agus da mbeadh fein ata me lan-chinnte go 
bhfuil feithide eile a mhaireas ar an tsaoghal so fos, ann, 
ata go mor nios sine 'na mise. 

' Cia he fein ? ' ars an Preachan. 

' Ata Breac Caoch an Easa Euaidh,' ars an t-Iolar, 
' mar sin, teidh go dti e go bhfuighe tu reidhteach do cheiste 

D'imthigh an Preachan agus nior mhor-chomhnaigh se 
go ndeachaidh se fa dhein an Bhric. 

' Cad e tharla, dhuit a Phreachain ghearr ? ' ar san 

D'innis se an sgeal don Bhreac mar ata roimh-raidhte, 
' agus ata me ar ti fios d'fhaghail uait-se, an dtainig aon 
oidhche ariamh chomh fuar leis an oidhche areir.' 

' Thainig, agus mile uair nios fuaire,' ars an Breac. 

' Is olc a chreidfinn thu,' ars an Preachan. 

' Maiseadh ! mara gcreidfir me,' ars an Breac, ' t^idh 
fa dhein ughdair is sine 'na mise.' 

' Cia he sin,' ars an Preachan. 


' Ata an chailleach Bhearach,' ars an Breac. 

Rachad go dti i, 'ars an Preachan. 

' Stad go f oill,' ars an Breac, ' go n-innsidh mise mo 
sgeal fein duit. Bhi me ag snamh ar uachtar an phoill seo, 
trathnona breagh ciuin, chomh citiin agus chomh caomh 
le h-oidhche ar bith a mhothaigh me ariamh. Bhi an 
iomad mioltogai ag eitioll ins an aer os cionn an phoill. 
L6im me suas le Ian mo bheil aca do ghabhail, sul shroicheas 
an t-uisge aris, bhi leac oisthre ar an uisge. Bhi me ann 
ag leimnigh agus ag baoth-leimnigh ar an leic go dtainig 
an fiach dubh agus phioc se na suile as mo cheann, Thoisigh 
mo chuid fola ag rith chomh tiugh agus do thiucfadh si as 
sgornach mairt. Bhi me ann sin gur leagh teas na fola an 
leac trid sios. Sin, agad, an bealach ar eirigh liom f6in an 
t-uisge a rochtain. Ba 1 sin an oidhche do b'fhuaire a 
mhothaigh me fein ariamh, agus sin an nos ar chailleas mo 
radharc. Fairior gear craidhte ! Ni dheanf aidh me dear- 
mad air sin go h-eag.' 

Ni raibh inntinn an Phreachain socair fos. ' Slan leat 
a Bhric,' ar se. 

' Go n-eirighidh do thuras leat, a Phreachain,' ars an 
Breac, ' na biodh eagla ort go mothochaidh tu caill no 
riachtanas i dtigh na caillighe ! ' 

D'imthigh an Preachan, agus nior stad agus nior mhor- 
chomhnaigh se go dtainig go tigh na caillighe. 

' Se do bheatha, a Phreachain as Acaill,' ar si, ' cad e 
tharla dhuit, no ca bhfuil do chlumh agus do chleiti ? ' 

' Imthighthe leis an ghaoith mhoir,' ar se. D'innis se 
di an chuis o thus go crioch, agus d'fhiafruigh se de 'n chailligh 
ar mhothaigh si oidhche ar bith ariamh chomh fuar leis an 
oidhche areir. 

'Maiseadh' ! ar si, * mhothaigh me creathadh beag fuachta 
i dtus na h-oidhche, acht chuireas cludadh maith trom 
orm f6in, agus os a chionn sin tharraing me paca olla a 
raibh naoi gcead de mheadhachain ann, agus creid-se mise 
nar mhothaigheas moran de'n fhuacht, oir bhi me ag cur 
moineogai aluis aris go maidin.' 


[* Cad e an aois thu ? ' ars an Preachan.] 

Ni'l data na bun-ughdar cinnte agam-sa le m' aois,' 
ars an chailleach, ' acht so amhain. La mo ghineamhna, 
gach bliadhain, gur mharbh m' athair mart, in-onoir do'n la 
sin, chomh fad agus mhair se, agus leanas fein don ghnas 
sin o shin anuas. Ata na h-adharca go h-uile ar an lota sin 
shiar, i n-eadain an sgioboil. Cnirfidh me an buachaill d'a 
n-aireamh duit amarach, agus congbhaigh fein cunntas orra.' 

Le h-eirighe an lae chuaidh an giolla ag aireamh. Chaith 
se la agus bliadhain leis an gnodh sin agus ni raibh coirneal 
de'n lota falamh. Agus i gcaitheamh na h-aimsire sin ni 
raibh tart a's ocras i dteannta a cheile ar an bPreaehan. 
Acht mar sin fein d'eirigh se tuirseach de'n chunntas, agus 
sgeinn se amach, agus e 'g a radh ' a chailleach, bheirim an 
chraobh duit, ta tu chomh sean leis an tsean-mhathair 
mhoir fad 6, a d'ith na hubhla. Slan leat.' 

Nar mhaith an dioluigheacht e sin ar son cothughadh 
bliadhna ! 

[Michedl Seoighe, 6 Pholl-na-braiche, Cldr cloinne Mhuiris, 
i gcondae Mhuighe-Eo i n-J^irinn, (Tinnis an sgeal so, tim- 
chioll dhd bhliadhuin deag 6 shoin.] 


Rev. a. W. Wade-Evans 

We have seen that it is believed by the author of the 
Excidium Brittaniae that the whole island of Britain, that 
is to say, the whole of Scotland as well as of England and 
Wales, was held by the Brittani under Boman rule ; and 

^ The above article is to be read in conjunction with those entitled * The Romani in 
the Excidium Brittaniae ' and ' The Picti and Scotti in the Excidium Brittaniae ' which 
appeared in the Celtic Review for August 1913 (pp. 35-41) and April 1914 (pp. 314- 
323). In these three articles the facts are submitted to a fresh examination, so that 
everything previously written by me on this subject should be checked by reference 
to this new series of essays. Also every prior essay should be checked by reference 
to a later. 



that the northern portion, the defence of which had been 
abandoned between 383 and 407, was seized in the latter 
year as far south as the Wall of Hadrian by Picti and Scotti, 
whilst the last Roman troops were leaving Britain for ever. 
The Picti and Scotti then proceeded at once to break down 
the feeble defence of the Wall, and to ravage and occupy 
southern Britain from end to end. This they continued 
to do until after a.d. 446, when they met with their first 
decisive check at the hands of the citizens and withdrew, 
the Scotti to their native Ireland and the Picti to colonise 
northern Scotland for the first time. Thus terminated the 
third devastation of Britain by the above two nations, 
which lasted at least forty years from a.d. 407. 

There follows now an interval, during which the Brittani 
became more aiSluent and luxiu'ious than ever before in 
their history. The Scotti had withdrawn altogether to 
their native Ireland. The Picti were busy in extrema parte 
insulae, in the extreme part of the island, settling down for 
the first time. What is meant by ' the extreme part of the 
island ' may be gathered from Bede (H,E,, i. 1, 12), who 
locates the Picti to the north of the Firths of Clyde and 
Forth ; and from the Historia Brittonum, c. 12, which states 
that the Picti came from the Orkney Islands and occupied 
many districts in the north of Britain, where they remained 
' to this day holding a third part ' of the island. What we 
are to understand, therefore, is that in the interval follow- 
ing the third devastation of Britain by the Picti and Scotti, 
the Picti had retired to the north of Scotland beyond the 
Firths of Clyde and Forth, the Scotti had retired altogether, 
whilst the Brittani once more held Britain right up to about 
the WaU of Antonine. In this interval not only were they 
masters of England and Wales hut also of the south of 

^ I wish to emphasise this point, as I have previously argued that the Excidium 
Brittaniae knew nothing of the Brittani of Strathclyde. For instance, in the Celtic 
Review, viii. 254, I should have said that what the Excidium Brittaniae teaches is 
that there was a retirement of Britons from northern Scotland in favour of the Picts, 
and then that there was a retirement of Britons from Britain, south of the Firth of 


The interval was brought to an end by a fresh arrival of 
Picti and Scotti for a fourth devastation, of which unfortu- 
nately no particulars are given. At the same time there 
fell upon the citizens a famous plague/ which laid low so 
many of them that the living were unable to bm*y the 

Then it was that a consilium^ an assembly, was held to 
decide as to ways and means of checking the irruptions of 
Picti and Scotti, in which assembly it was resolved by 
omnes consiliarii, all the members, una cum superbo tyranno, 
together with the proud tyrant, that the Saxones should be 
called into the island. 

It is clear, therefore, that according to the Excidium 
Brittaniae the Saxones were invited into the island some 
interval after a.d. 446 and that no small one. What was 
the year of their coming ? It is generally assumed to have 
been the year favoured by Bede and the Saxon Chronicle, 
to wit, in or about 449, in which case the interval between 
the despatch of the Letter to Aetius in 446 and the first 
admittance of the Saxones into the island would be the 
extremely short one of about three years. Our author, 
however, postulates an interval much longer. 

Moreover, although the Picti and Scotti are made to 
ravage Britain thrice between 383 and after 446, it is re- 
markable that the Picti are made to remain only in the 
north of Scotland, whilst the Scotti are not made to remain 
at all, but to return to Ireland. Our author, therefore, 

Forth, into Strathclyde, Wales, and the Devonian peninsula owing to the pressure of 
the English. The English may have landed at any point from about the Hampshire 
coast to the Firth of Forth, but not beyond this, for the Picts were in possession of 
' the extreme part of the island.' 

^ The famosa jpestis, famous pestilence, which aiflicted the Brittani simultaneously 
with the fourth arrival of the Picti and Scotti, can only refer to the magna mortalitas, 
the great mortality, which carried oJ0F Maelgwn Gwynedd, the Maglocunus of the 
Epistola Gildae, ch. 33 {Celtic Review^ ix. 321, n. 2). That Maelgwn Gwynedd must 
have flourished sometime about the early sixth century is proved by the fact that his 
descendant and successor in the fifth generation, to wit, Cadwallon, the ally of Penda 
of Mercia, perished at Kowley Water in 634. 

It should be carefully observed what this means. It means that the Epistola 
Gildae was written before the Saxon A dvent mentioned in the Excidium Brittaniae. 


could not have supposed any Scotti to have occupied 
Britain permanently until no small interval after a.d. 446 ; 
and as the traditional date for such permanent settlements 
of Scotti is 496 or 502 when the Dalriad Scots came over 
under Fergus mac Ere, it may be that our author's fourth 
devastation of Britain by Picti and Scotti refers, either 
wholly or partly, to this migration, in which case the first 
admission of the Saxones, called in to check the fourth 
devastation, must have occurred about the early sixth 

The Saxones were not unknown to the Brittani, for we 
are informed in chapter xviii. that the Roman troops, just 
before they left Britain for ever in a.d. 407, erected towers at 
stated intervals on the sea-coast towards the south, over- 
looking the ocean, because from that quarter also, as well 
as from the north and north-west, wild barbarian hordes 
were feared. These towers, of course, refer to the line of 
forts built along the Saxon shore from the Wash to the 
Isle of Wight, some of which, it should be stated, existed 
before the time of Constantius Chlorus, and all of them 
before his death in a.d. 306. Again, in chapter xxiii., the 
Saxones, before they are made to land for the first time, 
are described as people whom, when absent, the Brittani 
feared more than death, which indicates that the Brittani 
had already gained some experience of them before they 
invited them into their coimtry as ' under the cover of one 

The first of the Saxones who landed came tribus, ut 
lingua ejus exprimitur cyulis, nostra longis, navihus, in three 
ships, cyulae, keels, as it is expressed in their language, 
longae, llongeu,^ in ours. There were omens and divina- 
tions, wherein it was foretold, the prognostic being much 
credited amongst them, that they should occupy the land, 
towards which they directed the prows of their ships, for 
three himdred years, during one-half of which, that is, one 

^ Llong^ pi., llongeu (now written llongau), from the Latin l<mg{3i navia), is the 
Welsh for a ship. 


hundred and fifty years, they should devastate frequently. 
Nothing is said as to what was to happen during the second 
half, but it is clearly implied that it was to be a period of 
peace as the first was a period of war. 

Now when the Excidium Brittaniae was being written, 
the three hundred years were far from completion, because 
Bede quoted largely from it and Bede died in 735. There 
had elapsed, however, as we shall see lower down, forty-three 
years of the period of peace, which means that the Excidium 
Brittaniae was written 150 plus 43, that is, one hundred 
and ninety-three years after the Saxon Advent. And 
as the Saxon Advent did not occur until a lengthy interval 
after a.d. 446, it follows that our author was writing about 
the commencement of the eighth century. In other words 
he was writing in Bedels own lifetime. 

The Saxones landed at the direction of the unlucky 
tyrant in orientali parte, in the eastern portion of the island,^ 
and, their enterprise having been so far successful, were 
joined by others of their fellows from the same quarter. As 
auxiliaries about to fight on behalf of the citizens against 
the northern invaders, they had provisions supplied them 
every month. After a while they pretended that these 
supplies were insufficient, on which pretext they broke 
the treaty and forthwith began to devastate the island. 

In chapters xxiv. and xxv. an accoimt is given of the 
havoc caused by the Saxones after they had broken the 
treaty. ' The eastern band of sacrilegists,' as he calls 
them, carried destruction from the eastern part of the 

1 This does not necessarily signify the east coast, but some point in the eastern 
portion of the island, capable of being reached by sea, that is to say, some point either 
along the coast or upstream from the Firth of Forth to Hampshire or thereabouts. 
I say the Firth of Forth, because he has told us that northern Scotland no longer 
belonged to the citizens but to Pictish colonists ; and Hampshire because a line from 
the Hampshire coast towards the Firth of Forth fairly divides ' the eastern portion of 
the island' still in the possession of the Brittani from the western portion. No 
definite indication is given as to the actual place of landing, but it may be that his 
previous reference to the forts of the Saxon Shore ad meridianam plaganij towards 
the south, where English invaders were feared, points to the south of England rather 
than to the north as the spot where he supposed them to have disembarked. - 



island, where they had first landed, to the west, de rnare 
usque ad mare, from sea to sea, devastating civitates agrosque, 
town and country, without ceasing, without receiving any 
check, until cunctam paene insulae superficiem, almost the 
whole surface of the island had been destroyed as far as 
occidentalem oceanum, the Western Ocean. All the coloniae, 
by which he clearly refers to inhabited centres, if not to the 
coloniae properly so called, namely, York, Lincoln, Col- 
chester, and Gloucester, were overthrown by means of 
battering-rams, and all their inhabitants given up to fire 
and sword. Bishops, priests, and people equally perished. 
In the middle of streets were to be seen the bottom stones 
of towers and high waUs thrown down together with sacred 
altars. ' There was no sepulture of any kind save the ruins 
of houses and the bellies of beasts and birds.' 

Of the remnant of the citizens, who survived this west- 
wards sweeping slaughter, some were caught and slain on 
the mountains, whither they had fled from the lowlands ; 
others were compelled by hunger to yield themselves to 
life-long slavery, if indeed they were not instantly destroyed ; 
others again fled across the sea to foreign parts, which 
doubtless refers to Brittany or at least includes it ; whilst 
those who persisted in remaining in the island alive and 
free, betook themselves montanis, collihus minacihus, prae- 
ruptis vallatis, et densissimis saltibus, marinisque rupibus^ 
to mountainous regions, overhanging hills and fortified 
crags, to dense forests and to rocks of the sea. This must 
mean south-western Britain from Strathclyde to the 
Devonian peninsula ; and so we are to understand that 
just as Picti had expelled the citizens from the north of 
Britain, beyond the Firths of Clyde and Forth, so now the 
Saxones ousted them, not indeed from all but from almost 
all southern Britain, from the eastern portion of the island 
to the Western Ocean, from sea to sea. 
« The citizens, who remained free in Britain, were cooped 
up among the mountains, forests, and sea-islands of the 
west, where after a certain length of time the Saxones left 


them and returned home ^ to the new lands which they had 
thus acquired. No reason is given why the Saxones did not 
complete their work and seize the whole of South Britain 
instead of almost the whole, only that they returned home 
leaving the wretched residue of the Brittani among the 

To these Brittani there was now only one hope left, that 
of saving themselves from utter extermination, and to this 
end they flock together under the leadership of the one 
solitary Roman who had chanced to survive the storm, 
his parents having perished in the carnage, namely Ambrosius 
Aurelianus, a man of unassuming character and of a family 
which, our author doubts not, had worn the purple. Under 
this person the citizens won their first victory over the 
Saxones. Not a word, however, is said of the Brittani 
recovering lost ground. In winning a victory under 
Ambrosius they only accomplished the one purpose which 
they had in view, that is, the saving of themselves from 
complete annihilation. 

According to our author, then, the Brittani, no small 

* Although the prophecy states that the Saxones were for three hundred years to 
sit on the land, which they were approaching in their keels, yet the phrase cum re- 
cessissent domum, when they had returned home, should signify when they had 
returned to their home beyond the sea. It is clear, however, that it refers to their 
home in South Britain. What are we to understand by that home ? Dr. Hugh 
Williams states {Gildas, p. 60, n. 1) that domum 'can only mean the place assigned to 
them by treaty in Britain.' In this case we have to suppose that the Saxon auxiliaries, 
after having denuded South Britain of its inhabitants even to the Western Ocean, yet 
elected to return to the military quarters which those very inhabitants had assigned 
them in the first instance. But the whole of that country, from which the Brittani 
were expelled, had now become Saxon. Not a word is said of citizens, who had re- 
treated to the highlands of the west, returning to settle in the lowlands or recovering 
any lost ground. Indeed, we are distinctly told that the sole object of the success 
achieved by the Brittani under Ambrosius Aurelianus was merely to save themselves 
from complete destruction, ne ad internicionem usque delerentur. Southern Britain, 
from sea to sea, was now the home of the Saxones ; only the mountains, forests, and 
sea-islands of the west were left to the citizens. And so it was to that new home 
that we must understand the Saxones to have retired. 

But the phrase reeedere domum so ill fits the occasion as described by our author, 
that like transmarini, as applied by him to the Picti, it is doubtless borrowed from 
an older setting, where its application was more apposite, and of course more 



interval after a.d. 446, were swept completely out of the 
plains of southern Britain, as the result of a rebelUon of 
Saxon auxiliaries assisted by others from their original 
home beyond the sea, who did not cease slaughtering or 
expelling the citizens and devastating both town and 
coimtry until they had reached the Western Ocean and 
driven all the Brittani, who preferred freedom and inde- 
pendence in the island, to the mountains, forests, and 
sea-islands of the west. We are asked to believe that 
the Saxones did not pause in their work of destruction 
' from sea to sea,' or receive a single check imtil the citizens 
were actually shut up among the mountains of western 
Britain from Strathclyde to the Devonian peninsula. In- 
credible as it may appear, the text implies that all this was 
done as the result of one great rush, so swift and irresistible 
that the Brittani had no time or opportunity to rally. It 
was only when the Saxones returned to the plains of the 
east, which were now for the first time Saxon ground, that 
the citizens recovered from their panic and took heart under 
Ambrosius Aurelianus ; one hope alone possessed them, to 
wit, that of saving themselves from total extinction ; and 
this hope they ultimately reahsed by winning their first 
belated victory. 

But the devastations of the Saxones did not cease — 
they were not to cease for one hundred and fifty years from 
the time of landing; only the success of Ambrosius saved 
the citizens from complete annihilation, marking a turn in 
the course of events. The Saxones in their grand rush 
from sea to sea had driven the citizens into the west, but 
now the citizens began to win victories from time to time, 
and so stem Saxon aggression ; and these occasional 
victories continued imtil the one hundred and fifty years of 
fighting terminated with the siege of the Badonic Hill, when 
the Saxones suffered a severe defeat, and there commenced 
a period of peace, which had already lasted over forty-three 
years when the author of the Excidinm Brittaniae was 
writing. The exact words are as f oUows : ex eo tempore. 


from that time, that is from the victory of Ambrosius, nunc 
cives, nunc hostes, vincebant, now the citizens and now the 
enemy were victorious. And this continued v^que ad annum 
obsessionis Badonici montis, novissimaeque ferme de furci- 
feris non minimae stragis, quique quadragesimus quartus, ut 
novi, orditur annus, mense iam emenso, qui et meae nativitatis 
est, up to the year of the obsession of the Badonic Hill and 
of almost the last and not the least slaughter inflicted on 
the gallows-rogues, which is the beginning of the forty- 
fourth year, as I know, one month having already elapsed, 
which also is the year of my own nativity. This means 
that the Excidium Brittaniae was written 150 plus 43, or 
one hundred and ninety-three years from the Saxon Advent ; 
and as the Saxon Advent did not occur until no small 
interval after a.d. 446, it follows that the Excidium Brit- 
taniae was not written until about the beginning of the 
eighth century, its author being at the time in the forty- 
fourth year of his age. 

Much as has been written on the above words, they are 
really quite simple. It is the attempt to square them with 
a supposed Gildasian authorship of the Excidium Brittaniae 
' about A.D. 540 ' which makes them difficult. Bede seems 
to have been the first to do this, who, ignoring the fact that 
the Badonic Hill terminated a century and a half of strife 
and commenced another predicted century and a half of 
peace, of which forty-three years were already gone, mis- 
read ' the forty-fourth year ' ^ as meaning the forty-fourth 
from the Saxon Advent ! 

^ Generations of readers of the JEJxcidium Brittaniae have puzzled their heads as 
to what its author meant by ' the 44th year.' It was Archbishop Ussher, who in 
modern times discovered the true meaning. Ussher correctly read the words as in- 
dicating that the Badonic Hill was won the forty-fourth year backwards from that in 
which the author was writing, a fact of which the author assures us he was quite certain, 
inasmuch as he himself was born that year. This is confirmed by what he further 
tells us, that a whole generation had already passed away since the victory. [I 
should like to say here that I have abandoned the view expressed by me in Archae- 
ologia Cambrensis, 1911, p. 182, and in Y Gymmrodor, xiii. 138, that this passage as 
to the forty-fourth year is a gloss incorporated into the text of the Excidium Brittaniae.'\ 

But Ussher failed to see why the author took such pains to provide his con- 
temporaries with this very precise calculation, nor to my knowledge has any one else 


We have seen that the author is very explicit as to the 
fate of those Brittani, whom he supposes to have inhabited 
south-eastern Britain till about the early sixth century. 
All in the coloniae were destroyed. Of the rest, some were 
killed in heaps on the mountains ; some surrendered them- 
selves to become slaves for ever, if indeed they were not 
instantly slain ; some fled over sea to foreign shores ; 
whilst those who elected to remain alive and free retreated 
to the mountains, forests, and sea-islands of the west. 
Nothing could be more explicit than this. The Excidium 
Brittaniae is the first advocate, first in time and import- 
ance, of the theory of ' the total extermination of the 
Britons ' in south-eastern Britain. With the exception of 
such as submitted to become slaves (and even these, he tells 
us, may have been slaughtered instead), the Brittani were 
either totally destroyed or swept out of the English and 
Scottish lowlands from the eastern portion of the island to 
the Western Ocean, from sea to sea. 

Such a statement as this can only mean the complete 
conquest of southern Britain from sea to sea, with the 
exception of the mountains, forests, and sea-islands of the 
west. As indeed we would expect, seeing that since a.d. 446 
there had elapsed no small interval plus 193 years, our 
author is living and writing about the beginning of the 
eighth century, at a period when we know as a matter of 
sober history that the Saxones, by whom he means the 

perceived the point, which, is this. To him the Badonic Hill meant not only the end 
of the one hundred and fifty years of Saxon aggression but also the commencement of 
the one hundred and fifty years of peace, which according to prophecy were to 
terminate with no less an issue than the English evacuation of the island. Of these 
one hundred and fifty years of peace the forty-fourth had already been attained, and 
he was quite sure about this because it was his own age. 

But alas ! for the right understanding of the Excidium Brittaniae, the Venerable 
Bede {H.E., i. 16) misread 'the 44th year' as meaning about forty-four years from 
the Saxon Advent, which he fixed about a.d. 449. Hence sprang the horde of fancies 
that the Badonic Hill was fought towards the close of the fifth century, that it must 
have been won by Arthur, that it brought about a half-time break in an ' Anglo- 
Saxon conquest of Britain,' that the Excidium Brittaniae was written in this half- 
time break, and that its author was Gildas, the same who had written the 
Epistola Gildae. 



English generally,^ are occupying southern Britain from 
the German Ocean to the Irish Sea and the Bristol Channel,^ 
and had been so occupying it from before the memory of 
any one of his contemporaries. He is living at a time when 
organised states of the Brittani are to be found in Strath- 
clyde, Wales, and the Devonian peninsula. It is his theory 

1 It is to be observed that the southern invaders of Britain are always called 
Saiones by our author. He makes no distinction between Angles, Saxons, and Jutes ; 
to him they are all Saxones, that is, the English generally, or, as we would call them in 
Welsh, Saeson. As Ireland is inhabited by Scotti^ and the extreme north of Britain by 
Pictij so southern Britain (excepting the mountains, forests, and sea-islands of the 
west) is held by Saxones. The mountains, forests, and sea-islands of south-west 
Britain are all now left to the remnants of the Brittani. 

2 The Saxons must have been in occupation of the coast of the Severn Sea as early 
as A.D. 577 when, as the result of the Battle of Dyrham in modern Gloucestershire, 
they captured the three ancient Roman towns of Gloucester, Cirencester, and Bath, the 
first of which was a colonia. 

But that the Saxones had reached the neighbourhood of the Severn estuary much 
earlier than this is proved from the Book of Llan Ddv, 123, 133, 141. In the days 
of King Iddon ab Ynyr Gwent, a contemporary of St. Teilo, who himself was a con- 
temporary of St. David (born a.d. 462), the Saxones crossed the R. Wye to plunder. 
And again in the time of Bishop Oudoceus, the successor and nephew of St. Teilo, the 
Saxones ravaged South Wales, and especially that part of modern Herefordshire which 
is west of the R. Wye. Moreover in the time of the same Oudoceus, King Teudiric 
fell whilst fighting against the Saxones at the ford of Tintern on the R. Wye in modem 

Again, when St. Gildas, two centuries before the appearance of the Excidium 
Brittaniae, was writing the Epistola Gildae to the kings and priests of Brittania, his 
Brittania is clearly Wales and the Devonian peninsula only. The five kings whom he 
mentions by name are Constantine of Devon, Aurelius Caninus of Cornwall, who is no 
other than Cynvor or Cynin ab Tudwal Bevr (the ' King Mark ' of romance), Voteporix 
of Dyved or S.-W. Wales, Cynlas of Rhos in modern Denbighshire, and last but not 
least Maelgwn Gwynedd, the dragon of the island of Anglesey. As Gildas omits all 
personal reference to the princes of S.-E. Wales, it looks as though he were writing in 
that quarter. Thus the supposed retreat of the Brittani out of the lowlands of 
England into the highlands of Wales and the Devonian peninsula had occurred at least 
two centuries before the Excidium Brittaniae was written. Nay, it had occurred 
before ever the Saxones were invited for the first time into the island ! 

As for the coast of the Irish Sea, there is no evidence forthcoming, notwithstanding 
all the dogmatism of our history books, standard and otherwise, that there were any 
Brittani in the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries connecting those of Wales with those 
of Strathclyde. Late Glamorganshire legends (see lolo Manuscripts^ 86) ascribe the 
name of Teyrnllwg to a supposed British state lying apparently between the R. Dee 
and the R. Derwent in Cumberland. But Teyrnllwg is nothing more than a name 
faked from Catel Durnluc, i.e. Cadell Ddyrnllug or the Blackfisted, the king who 
founded the royal line of the Welsh kingdom of Powys. We know that King Ecgfrith 
of Northumbria (670-685) gave St. Cuthbert a grant of Cartmel in Furness with all its 

VOL. X. P 


that these Brittani had been driven into these western 
comers by the Saxones, who did not arrive in Britain 
before the beginning of the sixth century, who thereupon 
destroyed the civiHsation of Roman Britain (or such of 
it as was left) from the eastern lowlands to the Western 
Ocean, and denuded the province completely of all its 

Brittalii, which shows that there were Brittani, north of Morecambe Bay. We know 
also from Eddi's Life of Wilfred^ ch. 17, that Wilfred claimed for his see of York ea 
loca sancta in diversis regionibus^ 'quae clerus Brytannus aciem gladii hostilis manu 
gentis nostrae fugims deseruit, those holy places in various districts which the British 
clergy abandoned in their flight from the hostile swords of our nation. These places, 
in so far as they have been identified, appear to extend from Cumberland towards the 
upper reaches of the K. Kibble and onwards in the direction of the old British kingdom 
of Elmet which lay around Leeds. But that Strathclyde once extended from the R. 
Clyde to the Mersey or Dee, or that there was a British state on the Lancashire coast 
connecting the northern Britons with those of Wales, I can find no evidence. Prof. 
J. E. Lloyd in his History of Wales, 183, speaking of King Ethelfrith of Northumbria, 
says : 'Attacking the British Kingdom of Elmet, or Elfed, as it would now be written, 
which lay around our Leeds, he completely subdued it and drove King Ceredig from 
his throne. By this conquest the chief harrier which parted Deira from the Irish Sea 
was removed, and very shortly afterwards Edwin must have effected that breach between 
the Gymry of the North and those of Wales which the battle of Chester [616-17] fore- 
shadowed but did not actually bring about' The words I have italicized are quite 
gratuitous, as there is no evidence forthcoming for any British kingdom such as Elmet 
on the Lancashire coast at the time indicated, or indeed any terrene connection between 
the Brittani of Wales and those of the north. The British kingdom of Elmet may 
have been formed by northern Brittani pushing south-eastwards towards the Humber, 
as many of those of Wales were formed by northern Brittani pushing southwards 
over the Irish Sea. 

The connection between the Brittani of Wales and those of the north was maritime, 
and herein lies the truth of the statement that the Picti came over the sea to Brittania 
from the north. The north was Scotland, the sea they crossed in their coracles was 
the Irish Sea, the Brittania they landed in was not the island of Britain but the 
Brittania which we now know as Wales, and the Picti were those familiar to us in 
Welsh literature by the name gwyr y gogledd, the men of the north, particularly 
Cunedda and his sons, who occupied Wales from the R. Dee to the R. Teivi and the 
R. Gwaun. In other words, the story in the Excidium Brittaniae as to the transmarine 
Picti is a late, ignorant, and garbled account of the immigration into Wales in the fourth 
and fifth centuries of peoples from southern Scotland. Amongst these was Caw of 
Arglud ( Arglud = on or opposite the Clud, that is, the Clyde, in modern Renfrewshire), 
who settled in the district of Twrcelyn in Anglesey, whence he is often styled Caw of 
Twrcelyn. He is also styled Caw o Brydyn, Caw of Pictland, rex Scotiae, a king of 
Scotia, rex Albaniae a king of Albania, and rex Fictorum, a king of the Picti. The 
latter is the nearest equivalent of the oldest name by which he is known in Welsh, 
namely, Cau Pritdin. This man was actually the father of St. Gildas to whom the 
Excidium Brittaniae is commonly ascribed — a work which rails at the Picti as one of 
the three divinely appointed devastators of the Brittani. 



original inhabitants, the above western comers alone 

Now in order to determine with precision the time when 
he supposed the Saxones to have first landed in Britain in 
their three keels, no small interval after a.d. 446, our chief 
desideratum is to fix the year of the siege of the Badonic 
Hill. When this has been done, we shall also know the 
exact year of the writing of the Excidium Brittaniae, 


Edward Spencer Dodgson, M.A. 

{Continued from page 174) 

Dedilla, 71 (2), 79, 154. Imp. s. 3., aux. Let it be / 

Dedin, 34, 135. Subj. pres. s. 3., aux., in the final sense, as if ending in 

tzdt. (So) that it be. On p. 34 the original has dein, 
Dedinian, 65, 152. I.q. Dedin, N rel. temp., decl. temp. (nian=when). 

When it may be. 
Derichazu, 162. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. s. (pi. in form) 2nd p., v. irr. pass. 

erichi. Does it seem to you ? 
Derichon, 194. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. s., N rel. nom., v. irr. pass, erichi. 

To which the-name-is-given, i.e. which is called. 
Deuscu, 75, 22 (2), 189, 190. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. s., dat. pi. 1 p., aux. act. 

Has it to us. On p. 22 it is printed deutscu. See Zabala, p. 76. 
Deuscubee, 143. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., dat. pi. 1 p., aux. act. They 

have it to us. See Deutscubeenian, Deutscun, Deutscuna. 
Deuseet, 11. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. s., dat. pL, aux. act. / have it to them. 

(Duseet in 1816 is a misprint.) 
Deust, 74, 163. (On p. 74 in 1816 they put deuts.) Ind. pres. s. 3., 

ace. s., dat. s. 1 p., aux. act. Has it to me. 
Deutsa, 24, 59, 72, 147, 164. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. s., dat. s., aux. act. 

Has it to him or her. Baskish pronouns ' common are to either sex.* 
Deutsala, 128, 171. I.q. Deutsa, la conj. or participial. That, or 

while he has it to him. 
Deutsalaco, 127. I.q. Deutsa , conj. with co adjectival in the pretextive 

sense. On-the-ground-that he Jms it to him. On p. 112 perhaps we 

ought to read this instead of Deutseelaco, 



Deutsan, 12, 14, 62, 63, 72. I.q. Deutsa, N conj., ruled by haino (12) and 
N rel. ace. (14), dat. (62), loc. (63), act. (72). That he has it to him; 

(that) which he has to him ; (that) to which he has it ; in which she has it 

to it ; which has it to him. 
Deutsana, 51 (2). I.q. Deutsan, N conj., decl. nom. (na=la). The- 

fact-tJiat it has it to it. 
Deutsanac, 64, 98, 112, 194. I.q. Deutsan, N rel. act., decl. act. (nac= 

he who). He who has it to him. On p. 194 it ought to be deutseenac, 

as the subject of Dakijala, unless Cn8tina,uba,i=Christianis is a mis- 
print for 
Deutsanian, 65 (2). I.q. Deutsan, N rel. temp., decl. temp (man= 

when). When he has it to her. In the first place this was misprinted 

deutsanai in the second edition, in 1904. 
Deutsanic, 103. I.q. Deutsan, N rel. act., decl. indef. partitive (nic= 

any one which). Any one which has it to him. 
Deutzaz, 114. I.q. Deutsa, but ace. pi. Has them to her. (Zabala, p. 76, 

where it appears that this form can also mean has them to me !) 
Deutsazala, 65. I.q. Deutsaz, A euph., la conj. That he has them to her, 
Deutsazan, 161. I.q. Deutsaz, A euph., N rel. pi. ace. (Those) which 

he has to her. 
Deutsazu, 90. Ind. pres. pi. 2., ace. s., dat. s., aux. act. You have it 

to it. 
Deutsazun, 130. I.q. Deutsazu, N conj. with ceimhat. That you have 

it to it. The dative is plural in sense, like ' many an one ' in English ; 

unless it be a misprint of deutsezun. 
Deutsazuz, 130. Ind. pi. 2., ace. pi., dat. s., aux. act. Have you them 

to him ? (Zabdla, p. 76.) 
Deutscubeenian, 207. I.q. Deuscubee, with N rel. temp., decl. temp. 

(nian=when), aux. act. When they have it to us. 
Deutscun, 168. I.q. Deuscu, N conj., ruled by leguez. ( As) that it has 

it to us. 
Deutscuna, 42. I.q. Deuscu, N rel. s. ace, decl. nom., aux. act. (na= 

that which). That which it has to us. 
Deutsedan, 3. I.q. Deutseet, i.e. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. s., dat. pi., aux. act., 

DA euph. for T before N rel. ace. s. (That) which I have to them. 
Deutsee (a Triple Form),i 42, 54, 57, 59, 76, 82, 86, 88 (2), 94, 115, 

127, 135 (2), 138, 145, 148, 149, 175, 176. On pp. 54, 57, 76, Ind. 

pres. pi. 3., ace. s., dat. s., aux. act. They have it to him. On 

pp. 59, 94, 175, 176, it is He has it to them ; with the third person of 

the singular number. On pp. 42, 82, 86, 88, 115, 127, 135, 138, 145, 

148, 149, it means They have it to them. 

^ It must be admitted that the Forms of the Verb which have more than one 
meaning are not an advantage. 


Deutseedala, 74. I.q. Deutseet, DA euph. for T before la conj. Cf. 
Deutsedan. That I have it to them. 

Deutseela. I.q. Devisee, with la conj. 78, 83, 98, 161, 193. That he has 
it to them ; that they have it to him. Notice the double sense of Deutsee 
in this Form. It has yet a third in that which follows. See p. 75 in 
Zabala. Is there confusion with Deutsez, Deutseez ? 

Deutseelaco, 58 (2), 112. I.q. Deutseela, with the adjectival co in the 
pretextive sense. On-the-ground-that they have it to them. It appears 
on p. 112 to be a misprint for Deutsalaco, q.v., and the sense is on-the- 
ground-that he Jms it to it, with the active case singular. 

Deutseen, 25, 60, 63, 66, 69, 97, 151, 160, 184 (2). I.q. Deutsee, N conj., 
p. 151 simple dependent ; ruled by leguez (160), by ceimbat (66), by 
cer (184). That they have it to it ; N rel. (25) ace. s. {that) which they 
have to them ; N rel. act. {TJtose) who have it to them ; (97) Those 
which have it to it ; N rel. loc. (69). In which he has it to them ; (63) 
in which they have it to them. 

Deutseena, 178, 194. I.q. Deutseen, N re . ace. decl. nom. (nu—that 
which). That which he lias to them ; ana 194 iV^ rel. act. decl. nom. 
(na=he who) ; he wJho has it to them. 

Deutseenac. I.q. Deutsee, dat. pi. with N rel. pi. act. decl. pi. nom. 
(7, 52, 54, 55, 172, 200, 201 (4), 203) Those which have it to them. 
(170, 193) Those who have it to him. (56, 150) Those to whom it has 
it. On p. 194 deutsanac ought to be deutseenac, He who has it to 

Deutseenian, 124. I.q. Deutsee. Ind. s. 3., ace. s., dat. pi., N rel. temp., 
decl. temp (nian^=when). When he has it to them. 

Deutseenic, 176. I.q. Deutsee. Ind. s. 3., ace. s., dat. pL, N rel. act., 
decl. partitive indef . ( Any one) which has it to them. 

Deutseez (Deutsez in Lardizabal, whose Deutseez is: They have them to 
them), 173. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. pi., dat. pL, aux. act. Has them to 

Deutzeezala, 67 (2), 78 (2). I.q. Deutseez, A euph., la conj. and participial. 
That, or while, he has them to them. On p. 67 the dative is alcarri. 

Deutseezana, 100 (bis). I.q. Deutseez. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., A euph., 
N conj., decl. nom. {na—la). The-fact-that they have them to them. 
(See Lardizabal and Zabala.) 

Deutseezanac, 204. I.q. Deutseez, as in Deutseezana, A euph., N rel. 
act., decl. nom. {nac= those who). Those who have them to them. Yet 
the dative is Dahenari, singular. See Dagijuezan. Can it be a mis- 
print for Deutsaezanac, a form known to Lardizabal which would be 
correct ? 

Deutseezu, 130. Ind. pres. pi. 2. (singular in sense), ace. s., dat. pi., 
aux. act. Have you it to them ? 



Deutsubee, 163. Ind. pres. pi. 3., aoc. s., dat. pi. 2 p., aux. act. They 

have it to you. 
Deutsubeezan, 131. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., dat. pi. 2 p., A euph., 

N rel. pi. ace, aux. act. (Those) which they have to you. 
Deutsudaz, 163. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. pi., dat. pi. 2 p., aux. act. / Imve 

them to you. 
Deutsula, 178. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. s., dat. pi. 2 p., la conj., aux. act. 

That it Ms it to you. 
Deutsuz, 163. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. pi., dat. pi. 2 p., aux. act. Has 

them to you. 
Diaranac, 8, in the edition of a.d. 1816. Lege dirianac, not diranac, in 

that of 1904. 
Diarduban, 17. Ind. pres. s. 3., BA euph. before N rel. act., v. irr. 

consuetudinary act. (That) practises it.^ 
Diardubana, 80. I.q. Diarduban, deel. nom. (na—he who). He who 

'practises it. 
Dino, 66, 76, 77 (2), 79, 80 (2), 81 (2), 83, 84, 89, 90 (2), 91, 128, 129, 

132, 133, 138, 147, 155, 156, 160, 161, 164, 165, 173 (2), 174 (2), 176, 

193. Ind. pres. s. 3., r. s., ace. s., v. irr. act. erran. Says it. On 

p. 161 I inserted it, to make the sense clear, and therefore it ought 

there to be in Italic. 
Dinodan, 59. I.q. Dinot, with DA euph. for T before iV, rel. s. ace. 

(That) which I say. 
Dinot, 34, 40, 41, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 88, 100, 117, 118, 125, 180, 194. 

Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. s., v. irr. act. erran. I say it. 
Dinuan, 118, 141. I.q. Dino, with UA euph. for before N conj., 

ruled by leguez. ( As) that he says it. 
Dinuana, 87, 88, turned in the new edition into Dinuena, q.v. It is, 

however, just possible to interpret it as depending on errazoiac only, 

and ta as disjunctive instead of pluralising. Yet the phrase where 

Dinuenagaz occurs seems to render this excuse improbable. 
Dinuanez, 82. I.q. Dinuan, N rel. ace., decl. med. indef. (nez—by 

what). By what he says. Cf. Daucanez, Dinuenez, Leitequianez, 

Difiue, Dinue, Dinuee, 18 (dinue), 128 (dinuee), 138, 153, 159, 165, 166, 

171, 189, 195, 196. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. erran. They 

say it. 
Dinuen, 45, 75, 126. I.q. Dinue, N conj. dependent. (What) they say. 
Dinuena, 43, 44, 75 (87, 88, in the first edition one reads dinuana), 97. 

I.q. Dinue, N rel. ace, decl. nom., or ace. (na—that which). Tliat 

which they say. 

1 What is the base of this group of the Verb? Can it be jar, jarri = settle! 
Lardizdbal, p. 52, says : *Yeihojardun 6 ari estarse haciendo algo.' 



^inuenagaz, 104. I.q. Dinuen, N rel. ace, decl. med. or cop. def. 
(rmgaz—by, or with, that which). By that which they say. 

Dinuenez, Dinueenez, 30, 140. I.q. Dinuen, N rel. ace, decl. med. indef. 
{nez=by what). By what they say. 

Dira, 7 (ter), 8, 9 (bis), 10, 13, 16, 17 (2), 19, 20 (2), 27, 28 (2), 30, 31 (2), 
32, 33 (3), 34 (3), 38, 42, 43, 47 (3), 50, 52, 53, 54 (2), 55, 56, 57, 58 
(2), (59 understood), 62 (2), 64 (2), 69 (6), 70 (3), 71, 72, 73, 74, 77 (2), 
79, 80 (da in 1816), 82 (2), 87, 90, 99, 106, 109, 110 (3), 111 (2), 112 (3), 
114 (2), 115, 116, 119 (2), 121, 124, 133, 136 (3), 137 (4), 139 (2), 140, 
141, 144, 150 (2), 153, 154 (6), 155 (2), 165, 169 (3), 177, 179, 182, 186, 
187, 188, 190, 195, 197 (5), 198 (4), 199, 200 (3), 201 (2), 202 (2), 203 
(3), 204 (3), 205 (8), 206 (4), 207 (2). Ind. pres. pi. 3., v. s. and aux. 
They are. 

Diriala, 16 (2), 44, 45, 51, 52 (2), 56, 58, 61, 81, 83, 89, 95, 96, 101, 102, 
104 (3), 115, 124, 126 (2), 150, 151, 153, 156, 160 (2), 164, 166, 167, 
168, 169, 171, 176, 178, 181, 183, 196 (3), 207. I.q. Dira, with I A 
euph. before la participial, or conj. While they are ; that they are. 

Dirialaco, 29, 63, 68, 78, 102, 107 (3), 113, 150. I.q. Diriala conj., with 
the adjectival co, pretextive. On-the-ground-that they are. 

Dirian, 8, 13, 28, 31, 35, 36, 40 (2), 41, 43 (2), 44 (4), 45 (2), 46 (2), 53, 
58, 60, 62, 63, 66, 68 (2), 70, 74, 75, 82, 84, 85, 89, 94, 95, 96 (3), 97, 
99, 101 (4), 102 (2), 103 (2), 104 (2), 105 (5), 107 (2), 109, 115, 116, 
118, 119, 120 (3), 121, 122, 124 (2), 125, 129 (2), 146 (2), 154, 156, 
167, 160, 162, 164, 165, 168 (2), 175, 180, 193, 194 (2), 203, 205, 207. 
I.q. Dira, with lA euph. for A before N conj., and rel. pi. nom. 
That they are ; (those) which are. 

Diriana, 32, 91, 147, 149, 168, 195. I.q. Dirian, N conj. decl. nom. s. 
def. {na=la). The-fact-that they are. 

Dirianac, 8, 29, 43, 44, 46, 52, 55, 69 (2), 180 (3), 182, 198, 201, 203 (3). 
I.q. Dirian, N rel. pi. nom., decl. nom. pi. (nac=those which). 
Those which are. (In 1816 they put diaranac on p. 8. In the new 
edition read dirianac, pp. 8, 29, not diranac.) 

Dirianai, 53 (3). I.q. Dirian, N rel. nom. pi., decl. pi. dat. def. (nai= 
to those who). To those who are. 

Dirianeetati, Dirianetati, 53, 126. I.q. Dirian, N rel. pi. nom., decl. pi. 
partitive def. {netati=from among those who). Out of those who are. 

Dirianian, 124, 173. I.q. Dirian, N rel. temp., decl. temp. (nian= 
when). When they are. 

Dirurijeela, 65. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., la participial, v. irr. act. iruri= 
irudi. While they resemble them. 

Ditezala, 24. Imp. pi. 3., aux. Let them be / 

Ditezan, 10, 34, 196. Subj. pres. pi. 3., aux. On pages 10 and 34 it 
has the final sense, as if ending in tzdt. So that they may be. 



Ditu, 13 (2), 18, 80, 88, 150, 151, 152 (2), 154, 172 (2), 173. Ind. pres. 

s. 3., ace. pi., V. poss. and aux. act. Has them. 
Ditubala, 138. I.q. DitUy with BA euph. before la conj. That it has 

Ditubalaco, 41, 70, 152. I.q. Ditubala, with co adjectival, pretextive. 

On-the-ground-that it has them. 
Dituban, 7, 65, 71, 75, 152, 165, 170. I.q. Ditu, with BA euph. before 

N rel. pi. ace. (7, 71, 75, 170), and N conj. dependent (65, 152, 165). 

( Those) which it has ; that it has them. 
Ditubana, 140, 184. I.q. Dituban, N rel. s. act., decl. nom. (na==that 

which). That which has them. 
Ditubanac, 14 (2), 64, 70, 74. I.q. Dituhana, but p. 74 act. ruling Deust. 

{nac=he who). He who has them. On pp. 14, 64, 70 the N is rel. pi. 

ace. decl. nom. {nac=those whom). Those whom one has. 
Ditubanian, 66. I.q. Dituban, N rel. temp., decl. temp. {nian=when). 

When it has them. 
Ditubanic, 94. I.q. Dituban, N rel. s. act., decl. partitive indef. {nic= 

any one who). Any one who has them. 
Ditubee, Dituvee, 13 (2), 28, 47, 77, 79, 87, 119, 129, 135, 145, 150, 169, 

182. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi., aux. act. They have them. 
Ditubeela, 60 (2), 83, 91, 101 (2), 177. I.q. Ditubee, with la conj. TJiat 

they have them. 
Ditubeelaco, 87. I.q. Ditubeela, with the adj. pretextive co=for. On- 
the-ground-that they have them. 
Ditubeen, Dituben, 28, 45, 61, 80, 97, 102, 108, 130, 153, 175, 183. I.q. 

Ditubee, with N rel. pi. ace. (28, 45, 61, 80, 175, 183) ; act. (97) ; loc. 

(102) ; and N conj. (108 with leguez, 130, 153). (Those) which they 

have ; (those) which have them ; where they have them ; that they have 

Ditubeenac. I.q. Ditubeen, N rel. pi. act., decl. nom. pi. 52, 53, 200, 

204, 206 (2). In 1. 2 of p. 206 it contains N rel. pi. ace, decl. pi. ace, 

and is the accusative of the other ditubeenac (nac=those which). 

Those which have them ; and 206, 1. 2 those which they have. 
Ditudala, 105. I.q. Ditut, with DA euph. for T before la conj. That 

I have them. But, as it governs a clause beginning * cer dirian,' and 

not any accusative plural, it ought to be Dodala, and so appears in the 

second edition, composed in October, 1904, and published in May, 1914. 
Ditudalaco, 177. I.q. Ditudala, with co pretextive. On-the-ground-that 

I have them. 
Ditudan, 136 (2). I.q. Ditut, DA euph. for T before N rel. pi. ace. 

(Those) which I have. 
Ditugulaco, 167. Ind. pres. pi. 1., ace. pi., laco conj. pretextive, aux. 

act. On-the-ground-that we have them. 


Ditugun, 56. Ind. pres. pi. 1., ace. pL, N rel. temp., aux. act. When, 

or during which, we have them. 
Ditugunian, 132. I.q. Ditugun, N rel. temp., decl. temp. (n%an=when). 

When we have them. 
Ditut, 76, 89. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. pi., aux. act. / have them. 
Dituzu, 131 (2). Ind. pres. pi. 2., ace. pi., aux. act. You have them. 
Dituzun, 131. I.q. Dituzu, N conj. dependent. That you have them. 
Dodala, 10, 194. I.q. Dot, DA euph. for T before la conj. TJiat I 

have it. 
Dodalaco, 177. I.q. Dodala, co pretextive. On-the-ground-that I Imve it. 
Dodaji, 74. I.q. Dot, DA euph. for T before N rel. ace. {That) which 

I have, 
Dogu, 19, 22, 64, 137, 143, 166, 176, 190. Ind. pres. pi. 1., ace. s., aux. 

act. We have it. 
Dogun, 135, 151. I.q. Dogu, N rel. ace. (135) ; N conj. ruled by leguez. 

( That) which we have ; (as) that we have it. 
Dogunian, 84. I.q. Dogun, N rel. temp., decl. temp. (nian=when). 

When we have it. 
Doian, 171 (2), 174. I.q. Doan=Duan. Ind. pres. s. 3., v. irr. intr. 

ioan, N rel. temp. (171). When he goes ; N rel. nom. (174). Who 

Doianai 103. I.q. Doian, N rel. nom., decl. ace. to Legui (na=him 

who). Him who goes. 
Doianac, 187. I.q. Doian, N rel. nom., decl. act., subject of Dauca 

(nac=he who). He who goes. 
Dot, 5, 10, 24, 34, 60, 74, 82, 90, 105, 108 (2), 124 (2), 125 (2), 126 (2), 

128, 133, 179, 193 (2), 194. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. s., aux. act. / 

have it. 
Dozu, 90, 130 (7), 131 (2), 151, 152, 178. Ind. pres. pi. 2., ace. s., aux. 

act. You have it. 
Dozula, 162. I.q. Dozu, la conj. Tiiat you have it. 
Dozun, 131, 162, 179. I.q. Dozu, N rel. temp., and ace. s., and pi. act. 

When you have it (162) ; (that) which you have (131) ; you-wlw have it 

Dua, 70, 72. Ind. pres. s. 3., v. irr. pass. ioan. Goes. 
Duaz, 72, 94 (ezba=e/ not), 116. Ind. pres. pi. 3., v. pass. ioan. They go. 
Duazala, 89, 101 (2), 113, 160. I.q. Duaz, A euph. before la conj. Tlmt 

they go. 
Duazan, 51, 100, 116 (2), 129. I.q. Duaz, A euph. before N conj., 

ruled by leguez, N rel. pi. nom. (51, 129) ; N rel. temp. (100). (As) 

that they go ; (those) who go ; when they go. 
Duazana, 100. I.q. Dv^azan, N conj., decl. nom. (na=the-fact-that=la). 

The-fact-that they go. 



Duazanac, 47, 48, 66, 73, 90, 99, 103, 122, 123 (2), 132, 160. I.q. Dmmn, 

N rel. pi. nom., deol. pi. act. (47, 73), nom., and ace. {nac=tho8e 

who). Those who go. 
Duazanai, 73. I.q. Duazan, N rel. pi. nom., decl. dat. pi. {nai^to 

tJiose who). To those who go. 
Duazanian, 32, 115. I.q. Duazan, N rel. temp., decl. temp. {nian= 

when). When they go. 
Evala, 167 (2), 186. I.q. Eban, without the N because la conj. ends it. 

That he had it. 
Evalaco, 167. I.q. Evala, with co pret. On-the-ground-that he had 

Eban, Evan, beEban, 23, 35 (2), 83, 111 (2), 146, 202 (4). Ind. imp. s. 

3., ace. s., aux. act., N conj. dep. (Ill) ; iV^ rel. s. ace. (146). On 

p. 202 ezheebango, with the adjectival go for ko, is an artificial joke, 

and may be rendered * which is disputed as given or not given.' He 

had it ; that he had it ; (that) which he had. 
Evana, 36. I.q. Eban, N rel. s. ace, decl. nom. (na—that which). That 

which she had. 
Eveela, 19 (2), 81, 128 (2), 167. I.q. Ebeen, la conj. eclipsing the N. 

That they had it. 
Eveen, 19, 32, 42, 73, 80, 85 (2), 86, 87, 126, 128, 142, 190. Ind. imp. 

pi. 3., ace. s., aux. act. They had it. On p. 42 the N is conj. ruled 

by leguez=as; on p. 85 the same with baixen=baisen=besain={a^ 

much) as. 
Eveena, 140, 146. I.q. Eveen, N conj., decl. nom. (na^the-f act-that). 

The fact that they had it ; and 145 N rel. s. ace., decl. nom. (na=^ 

that which). That which they had. 
Eveenac, 9. I.q. Eveen, N rel. pi. act., decl. nom. pi. (nac=those who). 

Those who had it. 
Evilen, 23. Ind. imp. s. 3., v. irr. pass. ebil. She went, or walked. 
Eguijeezala, 143. Subj. imp. pi. 3., ace. -ph, la conj., aux. act. That they 

should have them. 
Eguijozu, 5. Imp. pi. 2., ace. s., dat. s., aux. act. Have you it to it ! * 
Eguizu, 162 (3), 163 (2). Imp. pi. 2., ace. s., aux. act. Have you it ! ^ 
Eguizuz, 151. Imp. pi. 2., ace. pL, aux. act. Have you them I ^ 
Eguan, 24. Ind. imp. s. 3., v. neut. egon. It stayed. 
Euqueelaco, 128. Cond. imp. pi. 3., ace. s., la conj., co pret., aux. act. 

On-the-ground-that they should have it. 
Euquezan, 23. Cond. Pot. imp. s. 3., ace. pi., A euph., N rel. pi. ace, 

aux. act. {Those) which he coud have. 

^ These words, containing the root egui, eguin = do, done, made, may literally be 
rendered by do instead of have. Can this root be akin to Gaelic eigean, eigin ; or to 
Latin /eci, facin{us) ? One can do no thing without effort, or force. 



Euqueezanac, 143. Cond. imp. pi. 3., aoo. pi., N rel. pi. act., deol. nom. 

pi. {nac=tho8e who). Those who would have them, 
Euquian, 36. Cond. imp. s. 3., ace. s., aux. act. She coud, or would 

have it. 
Eutsala, 159 (2). I.q. Eutsan, la eclipsing n. That he Jiad it to her. 
Eutsan, 133, 139, 159, 164. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. s., dat. s., aux. act. 

He had it to it. 
Eutsazalaco, 24. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. pi., dat. s., A euph., before laco 

pretextive. On-the-ground-that she had them to her. 
Eutseen (A), 24, 148. Ind. imp. s. 3., aco. s., dat. pi., aux. act. He hxid 

it to them. 
Eutseen (B), 85, 143 (2). Ind. imp. pi. 3., ace. s., dat. pi., aux. act. 

They had it to them. 
Eutseenac, 206 (2). I.q. Eutseen (A), N rel. pi. dat., decl. nom. pi. (nac 

=those to whom). Those to whom it had it. 
Eutseenac, 138 (2). I.q. Eutseen (B), N rel. pi. act., decl. nom. pi. (nac= 

those who). Those who had it to them. 
Eutsezan, 173. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. pi., dat. pL, aux. act. He Imd 

them to them. 
Eutseezan, 140. Ind. imp. pi. 3., ace. pi., dat. pi., aux. act. They had 

them to them. 
Eutseezanac, 206. In the new edition eutsezanac. I.q. Eutsezan, N 

rel. pi. dat., decl. nom. pi. (nac^those to whom). Those to whom it 

had them. 
Eutscuzan, 79. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. pi., dat. pi. 1 p., aux. act. He had 

them to us. 
Gaitezala, 22 (3). Subj. pres. pi. 1., aux. That we he. 
Gaitezan, 96, 191 (2). Imp. and Conj. pi. 1., aux. Let us he ! That 

we he. 
Gaitu, 22, 168. Ind. pres. s. 3., ace. pi. 1 p., aux. act. Has us. (On 

p. 168 read eguin gordiac.) 
Gaitubala, 38. I.q. Qaitu, BA euph. before la conj. Thxit he has us. 
Gaizala, 132. Imp. s. 3., ace. pi. 1 p., aux. act. Let him have us. 
Gaizan, 190. Subj. s. 3., ace. pi. 1 p., aux. act. That he may have us. 

It is here destinative in sense, as if it were gaizanfzdt. 
Gariala, 84, 177. Ind. pres. pi. 1., A euph., la conj., v. s. and aux. That 

we are. 
Guenduban, 190. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. pi. 1 p., aux. act. We had it. 
Guengoquez, 168. Pot. Cond. fut. pi. 1., v. irr. neut. egon. We should 

Guinai, 19, 57, 159. Pot. pres. pi. 1., ace. s., aux. act. We coud have 

it. (Zabala wrote it guinei, p. 123.) 
baGuinduz, 168. Suppositive pi. 3., ace. pi. 1 p., aux. act. If they had v^. 


Guazan» 63, 98. Imp. pi. 3., v. irr. neut. joan. Let us go ! 

Jaco, 51, 69, 60, 79, 139, 140, 167, 171. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. s., aux. 

Is to it. 
Jacola, 33. I.q. Jaco, la participial. It being to it. 
Jacolaco, 119. I.q. Jaco, with laco pret. On-the-ground-tfiat it is to one, 
Jacon (A), 22, 33. I.q. Jaco, N conj., ruled by celan (33) ; N rel. nom. 

( How) tJiat it is, or which it is, to it. 
Jacon, 24. Ind. imp. s. 3., dat. s., aux. She was to her. (Zabala, 134.) 
Jacona, 14. I.q. Jacon, pres., N rel. nom., decl. nom. {na=that which). 

That which is to one. 
Jacoz, 33. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. s., aux. They are to it. 
Jacue, 36, 106, 117 (2), 155, 160, 166, 167, 168, 181, 182, 183, 186, 196, 

197. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. pi., aux. Is to them. 
Jacuelaco, 74 (2). I.q. Jacue, laco pret. On-the-ground-that it is to 

Jacuen, 172. I.q. Jacue, with N conj. superfluous in a relative clause. 

(Tliat) it is to them. 
Jacuen, 23, 127, 128. Ind. imp. s. 3., dat. s., aux. It was to him. 
Jacuenac, 204. I.q. Jacue, N rel. pi. dat., decl. nom. pi. {nac— those 

to whom). Those to whom it is. 
Jacuez, 124. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. pL, aux. They are to them. 
Jacuezan, 144. Ind. imp. pi. 3., dat. pi., aux. They were to them. 
Jagocan, 91, 166 (2). Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. s., N rel. nom., v. irr. neut. 

egon. Which belongs to it. 
Jagocuela, 89. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. pi., v. irr. neut. egon. That it belongs 

to them. 
Jagocuezan, 61. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. pi., N rel. pi. nom., v. irr. neut. 

egon. (Those) which belong to them. 
Jat, 163. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. s. 1 p., aux. Is to me. (1. 7 read gogor.) 
ezbaJuaco, 11. Ind. pres. s. 3., dat. s., v. irr. neut. joan. (If) it goes 

(not) to one. 
Juacozan, 65. Ind. pres. pi. 3., dat. s., A euph. before N rel. s. dat. 

( Her) to whom they go. 
baLebee, Levee, 21 (2), 114 (with the prefix ez), 151, 152, 153. Supposi- 

tive pi. 3., ace. s., aux. act. (If) they had it. 
baLequi, 180. Suppositive s. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. iaquin. If she knew it. 
Legui (A), 28, 36 (2), 38, 54, 111, 128, 188 (2), 196. Pot. pres. s. 3., aux. 

It can be.^ Cf. Leguiz (A). 
Legui (B), 31, 32 (2), 62, 63, 101, 103, 113, 123, 134, 153, 181, 185. Pot. 

Cond. imp. s. 3., ace. s., aux. act. He coud have it. See Lei on 

p. 123 of Zabala. 

* Some of these potential and conditional words beginning in L are difficult to 
classify and parse exactly. Their meaning varies according to their context. 


Leguijala (A), 186 (2 ; in lines 2 and 5). I.q. Legui, aux., J A euph. before 

la conj. TMt it might be. 
Leguijala, Leijala (B), 16, 79, 185, 186 (line 8). I.q. Legui, aux. act., 

J A euph. before la conj. That he might have it. 
Leguijan, Leijan (A), 22, 68. I.q. Legui, aux., J A euph. with N rel. nom. 

(That) which might be. Leijan occurs in both editions on p. 22. 

{Ezin means not possibly.) 
Leguijan, Leijan (B), 10, 156. I.q. Legui (B), J A euph., N rel. act. 

Leijan occurs in both editions on p. 10. (That) which might have it. 
Leguijee, 12, 36, 115, 149. Pot. Cond. imp. pi. 3., ace. s., aux. act. They 

might have it. (P. 113 in Zabala.) 
Leguijeela, 167, 183 (2). I.q. Leguijee, la conj. That they coud have it. 

{Ezin, p. 183, means not possibly.) 
Leguijeez, Leguijez, 148, 151, 152, 153, 155. Pot. Cond. imp. pi. 3., ace. 

pi., aux. act. They might have them. (P. 113 in Zabala.) 
Leguijue (A), 51. Pot. imp. s. 3., dat. pi., aux. It might be to them. Per- 
haps a variety of leikioe, on p. 158 of Zabala. 
Leguijue (B), 147. Pot. imp. pi. 3., ace. s., dat. pi., aux. act. They might 

have it to it. Gentiari, dat. sing., is a noun of multitude. Cf. leguioee 

in Zabala, p. 113. 
Leguijueenac, 76. I.q. Leguijue (B), N rel. pi. act., dec!, nom. pi. (wac= 

those which). Those which might have it to him. The only dative 

expressed is Cristinaubari=to the Christian person. 
Leguiz (A), 30, 33, 78, 88, 155. Pot. pres. pi. 3., aux. They may be. 

Cf . Legui, aux. 
Leguiz (B), 114, 120, 124, 150. Cf. Zabala, p. 113 (ba) leguiz, and 123, leiz. 

Lardiz4bal, Ap. 2°, 10, leiz. Pot. pres. s. 3., ace. pi., aux. act. He 

can Jiave them. 
Leguizala, 79, 103. Pot. imp. s. 3., ace. pi., aux. act., la conj. That 

he coud have them. 
Leguizan (A), 28. I.q. Leguiz passive, A euph. before N rel. pi. nom. 

(Those) which might be. 
Leguizan (B), 71, 82. I.q. Leguiz act., A euph. before N rel. pi. ace. 

(Those) which one might have. It might also be the leguizan which one 

finds in Zabala, p. Ill, with the N serving as relative pronoun. 
Leguizaneen, 5 (2). I.q. Leguizan passive, N rel. pi. nom., decl. poss. pi. 

(neen=of those which). Of those which might be. 
Leijala, 16. I.q. Leguijala act., q.v. 
Leijan, 22. I.q. Leguijan (A) pass., q.v. 
Leijan, 10. I.q. Leguijan (B) act., q.v. 
Leiteque, Leitequee, 10, 36, 37, 40, 169, 177, 178, 185, 186 (2), 187 (2). 

Pot. Cond. imp. s. 3., aux. (Zabala, p. 159, leiteke.) It might have 



Leitequiala, 166. I.q. Leiteke, A euph. before h, conj. That he might 

have been. 
Leitequian, 26, 27 (3), 37 (2). Pot. imp. s. 3., n conj. aux. It might have 
been. In the second edition its alteration into leitequean was perhaps 
Leitequez, Leitequeez, 47, 192. Pot. imp. pi. 3., aux. They coud be. 

(ZabAla, p. 169.) 
Leitequezala, 183. I.q, Leitequeez, A euph. before la conj. That they 

coud be. 
Leitequiana, 189. I.q. Leitequian, conj., decl. nom. (na=the-f act-that). 

The-fact-that he might be. 
Leitequianez, 124. I.q. Leitequian, N conj., decl. med. indef. [nez= 

=by-rea8on-thut]. On account of what might be. 
ba-Leu, 14, 15 (2), 23, 108. Supp. s. 3., ace. s., aux. act. (If) he had it. 

(Zabdla, p. 82.) 
Leuquee, 21, 133, 147, 186, 192 (2), 193. Cond. pres., pi. 3., ace. s., aux. 

act. They would have it. (Zabdla, p. 80.) 
Leuqueela, 166. I.q. Leuquee, la conj. That they would have it. 
Leuqueen, 48, 58, 114. Cond. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., aux. act. They would 

have it. On p. 58 the N final is rel. s. ace, (that) which they would 

have ; on 48 it is the conjunction =^^a^ ruled by bainx), (than) they would 

have it ; on p. 114 the same ruled by ce. 
Leuquiala, 127. I.q. Leuhe. Cond. pres. s. 3., ace. s., aux. act., with 

A euph. and la participial. While he would have it. 
Leuquian, 14. I.q. Leukeen. Cond. pres. s. 3., ace. s., aux. act., N rel. 

s. ace. (That) which he would have. 
Leusquegun, 169. Cond. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., dat. pi. 1 p., aux. act., N 

rel. s. ace. (That) which they would have to us. 
Leusquijue, 114. Cond. fut. pi. 3., ace. s., dat. pi., aux. act. They 

would have it to them. 
ba-Leustee, 116. Supp. pi. 3., ace. s., dat. s. 1 p., aux. act. (//) they 

had it to me. (Zabdla, p. 83.) 
Lichaquio, 15. Cond. fut. s. 3., dat. s., aux. It would be to him. 
ba-Llra, 21, 82, 133 (2), 134, 136, 137, 160, 165, 168, 177, 207. Supp. 

pi. 3., V. s., and aux. (//) they were. 
ba-Litubee, 87, 111. Supp. pi. 3., ace. pi., aux. act. (//) they had 

Lituque, 82, 180. Cond. pres. s. 3., ace. pi., aux. act. She vxmld have 

Lituquee, 156, 160, 176. Cond. pres. pi. 3., ace. s., aux. act. They 

would have them. (Lituzkee in Guipuscoan. See Lardizdbal, Ap. I*'.) 
Lituqueez, 137. I.q. Lituquee. (Not in Zabdla.) 
ba-Litz, 13, 20, 34. Supp. s. 3., v. s. (If) it was. (Zabdla, p. 137.) 



Litzaateque, 15 (2), 34. Cond. pres. s. 3., aux. It would he. (Zabdla, 

p. 136.) 
Litzatequez, Litzaatequez, 111, 133, 134, 165. Cond. pres. pi. 3., aux. 

They would he. (Zabala, p. 136.) 
Naijela, 11. Subj. pres. pi. 3., ace. s. 1 p., aux. act. That they have me. 

(See Zabdla, p. 119, where he calls it potential. In Lardizabal the 

Subjunctive is nagie.) 
Nas, 125. Ind. pres. s. 1., aux. Am. 
Nasala, 64. I.q. Na^^ A euph., la conj. That I am. 
Nasalaco, 177 (2). I.q. Nasala, co pretextive. On-the-ground-that I am. 
Nasan, 67, 125. I.q. Nas, A euph., N rel. pi. med. (67), directive (125). 

Ahout which ; towards which I am. 
Nasaneco, 163. I.q. Nasan, N temp., E euph., co adj. For, or he- 

longing-to, when I am. 
Neban, 103. Ind. imp. s. 1., ace. s., N rel. s. ace, aux. act. (That) 

which I had. 
Neguijo, 3. Pot. imp. s. 1., ace. s., dat. s., aux. act. Goud I have had 

it to one ? Probably a misprint of nekijo. 
Nenguan, 113. Ind. imp. s. 1., N rel. s. loc, v. irr. neut. egon. In which 

I stayed. 
Neuque, 117, 194. Cond. fut, s. 1., ace. s., aux. act. / should have it. 

Zabdla has it neunke, p. 80. 
Neuquian, 125. Cond. imp. s. 1., ace. s., aux. act. / should have had it. 

Zabdla has it neunkean, p. 84. 
Nindubeen, 113. Ind. imp. pi. 3., ace. s. 1 p., aux. act. They Jiad me. 
Nintzan, 111, 125. Ind. imp. s. 1., v. s. and aux. / loas. 
Nintzanian, 111. I.q. Nintzan, v. s., N rel. temp., decl. temp, (nian— 

when). When I was. 
Nituban, 111. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. pi., N rel. pi. ace, aux. act. (Those) 

which I had. 
Zabiltzan, 179. Ind. pres. pi. 2., N rel. s. med., v. irr. neut. ebil. In 

which you walk, or move. 
Zacustazanian, 4. Ind. pres. s. 1., ace. pi. 2 p. (sing, sense), A euph., 

N rel. temp., decl. temp., v. irr. act. ikus (nian=when). When 

I see you. 
Zaguizan, 77. Subj. pres. s. 3., ace. pi. 2 p. (sing, sense), aux. act. 

she may have you. 
Zaite, 77, 193. Imp. pi. 2., aux. Be you / 
Zaitubeela, 163. Ind. pres. pi. 3., ace. pi. 2 p., la conj., aux. act. 

they have you. 
Zala, 162. I.q. Zan, la participial eclipsing n. While it toas, 
Zan, 23, 28, 125, 141, 142, 145. Ind. imp. s. 3., v. s. and aux. It was. 
be-egoZan, 143 ; egoZan, 111, 162. See it under B. 




eiZana, 169 {=Zdla). I.q. Zan, N oonj., decl. nom. s. {na—the-fact- 

that). The-f act-that he mas Qwhitually). ei—oi— accustomed, which 

reminds us of the Greek €i{6)€iy and the note on Daroianac. 
Zanian, 32, 35, 73. I.q. Zan, aux., N rel. temp., decl. temp. {nian= 

when). When he loas. 
Zanic, 190 (3). I.q. Zan, aux., N rel. temp., decl. partitive indef. nic. 

Anything (about a time) when it was, 
Zara, 131 (4), 162. Ind. pres. pi. 2., v. s. and aux. Ycm are. 
Zariala, 130, 131. I.q. Zara, v. s., with lA euph. before la participial. 

While you are. 
Zarian, 130, 179. I.q. Zara, v. s. and aux., with lA euph. and N rel. 

loc, and (179) N conj. {That) in which you are; {just who) you 

eZecusala, 23. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. s., la participial, v. irr. act. ihus. 

The e initial is the old negative=%o^. While {one) saw her (not). 
Zedin, 206. Subj. imp. s. 3., aux., in the final ^Qn&Q=zedintzdt. That it 

might he. In Lei9arragas New Testament, in the Baskish of France 

of the sixteenth century, it is of the simple indicative mood, seemingly 

an old form of cen, tzen. See Zabala, p. 151. 
Cenbiltzan, 162. In 1816 misprinted cenhizan. Ind. imp. pi. 2., n final 

rel. temp., v. irr. pass. ebil. While you walked, or moved. 
Cenduque, 177 (2). Cond. pres. pi. 2., ace. s., aux. act. Would you have 

Zinaizala, 177. Pot. pres. pi. 2., ace. pi., la conj., aux. act. That you 

can have them. See p. 10, col. 2, ' otro presente ' of the Ap. Seg. of 

Cinuan, 36. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. s., v. irr. act. erran. She said it.^ 
Zinuenez, 96. Ind. imp. pi. 3., ace. s., N rel. s. ace, decl. med. indef., 

V. irr. act. erran (nez=by what). By (what) they said.^ Cf. the note 

on Dinuanez. 
Ciriala, Ziriala, 77, 128, 138, 153. I.q. Zirian, v. s. and aux., with la conj. 

in stead of the N. That they were. 
Cirialaco, 190. I.q. Ciriala, with co pret. On-the-ground-that they were, 
Cirian, Zirian, baTzirian, 18, 48, 84, 106 (2), 111 (2), 137, 140, 141, 142 (4), 

143, 144 (2), 145 (2), 162, 180, 190 (2, 1. 4, ezcirian, in 1. 6, ba-Tzirian). 

Ind. imp. pi. 3., v. s. and aux. They were. 
Cirianac, Zirianac, 59, 143. I.q. Zirian, aux., N rel. pi. nom., decl. nom. 

pi. {nac=those who). Those who were. 
Zirianeti, 190. I.q. Zirian, aux., N rel. temp., decl. departitive with e euph. 

(n£ti=8in.ce when). From the time when they were, 

* It will be understood that these forms do not derive from erran, any more than 
an does from he in English, or fui from esse in Latin. They serve only as allies, to 
carry out its intention. 


Cirianian, Zirianian, 141, 190. I.q. Zirian, aux. and v. s., N rel. temp., 

decl. temp. {nian=when). When they were. 
Citubala, 138. I.q. Gituban, la conj. eclipsing n. That he hud them. 
Zitubalaco, 144 (misprinted zitubaco in 1816). I.q. Cituban, with laco 

pretextive, eclipsing the n. On-the-ground-that he had them. 
Cituban, 23 (2), 82. Ind. imp. s. 3., ace. pi., aux. act. She had them. 
Zitubanac, 206. I.q. Cituban, N rel. pi. ace, decl. nom. pi. {nac=those 

whom). Those whom it had. 
Citubeela, 19. I.q. Citubeen, the n falling before la conj. That they Jmd 

Citubeen, Zitubeen, 8, 131, 140, 144, 145, 162 (zituben in both editions), 

181, 202, 205, 206. Ind. imp. pi. 3., ace. pL, N rel. pi. ace. (8) ; act. 

(202) ; N conj. ruled by leguez (144). They had them ; (those) which 

they had ; (those) which had them ; (as that) they had them. 
Citubeenena, 141. I.q. Citubeen, N rel. pi. act., decl. pi. poss. ; decl. nom. 

8. (nena=that of those who). That of those who had them. 


The Baskish Verb is a system of shorthand, based on 
being for the passive, and on having, or doing, for the active 
mood. This was pointed out by the earliest native gram- 
marian, Rafael Mieoleta, Presbytero de Bilbao, in 1653, 
whose manuscript, in Biscay an and Romance (i.e. CastiUan), 
once the property of Sir Thomas Browne, of Norwich, is 
kept in the British Museum. The third edition ^ of it was 
pubhshed by the author of this Index, at Sevilla, in 1897. 
E. Coles in An English Dictionary (London, 1708), includes 
' Bascuence, sp. the Biscay tongue.^ 

The vowels in Biscayan, which is the daily tung of many 
thousands of children, have the ItaUan, and the consonants 
the German, sound. For English mouths v is always b ; 
qu represented k ; c followed by e or i, and z before vowels, 
are equal to ss, and often formerly to ts ; g is always hard, 
and unaspirate, as in Latin ; in gue and gui the u is silent, 
and a mere protection against Castilian g. The\ protean 
relative pronoun N occurs only as a termination of the 

* On p. 17, read moho. 
VOL. X. Q 


The reader is asked to test the value of this findy catalog, 
by verifying aU its jots and tittles in the little book to 
which it serves as a sign-post or a light-house. New-gained 
knowledge, with a wider panorama, is always a pleasure ; 
even if the path by which we ascend to its Ben Nevis seems 
very bask. Dinot bene benetan nik: patience is its own 

On p. 259 of vol. i. of A History of Hampshire (West- 
minster, 1900), we read: 'This Neolithic people, as I 
have pointed out elsewhere, invaded Europe from the 
north-east, bringing in with them domestic animals, and 
arts hitherto unknown in the West. They occupied the 
whole of France and of Spain, as well as the British Isles. 
They were of non-Aryan stock, and spoke a tongue [sic] 
represented now by the almost extinct Basque language. 
They formed a homogeneous population in Neolithic Hamp- 
shire, without mixture of any other race.' 

The Rev. Stephen J. Brown, S.J., of Milltown Park, 
Dublin, sent me the following note : ' I should be very much 
interested to know from you what you think of a theory of 
Standish O'Grady in his History of Ireland, Heroic Period. 
In the first volume of this book, p. 15, he says : " The Irish 
are a mixed race — the Basque and the Celtic. The original 
inhabitants of the country were Basque." I wonder what 
foundation there is for this statement.' 

I think it is probable that O'Grady guessed correctly ; 
if the Iberi became Basks. May his opinion lead all the 
Scotsmen, Manxmen and Irishmen to study Baskish ! 

Feast of St, Edward, King of the West Saxons, 1915. 


Corrigenda : p. 56, n. 1, 1. 6, writers and printers ; p. 60, 1. 29, Dabeenezquero was 
accidentally left out ; p. 62, 1. 1, Dacarreez^ 1. 9, Ochoa ... L 24, leguez. 



H. F. Campbell 

One cannot enter upon a discussion of this subject without 
paying tribute to the admirable work which has been accom- 
plished in recent years for Secondary Education in the 
Highlands by the Education Department, mainly mider the 
able direction of Dr. J. L. Robertson, H.M.C.LS. In 1872 
there were no secondary schools within the Highland areas 
except the Academies of Inverness and Tain. There are 
to-day distributed over the Highlands some forty institu- 
tions, most of them well and even liberally equipped as 
intermediate and secondary schools. 

The work achieved during the past twenty-four years 
by the Highland Trust (with which the name of Dr. WilHam 
Dey is so honourably associated) also calls for a word of 
grateful recognition. Nor can the excellent record of An 
Comunn Gaidhealach in literature and music be passed over. 
Many young men and women have passed through the 
imiversities, and are now usefully employed in professional 
work, who received their earliest intellectual stimulus while 
preparing for the annual competitions of the Gaelic Mod. 
Every year that passes witnesses a growth in the usefuhiess 
and importance of the educational work of An Comunn. 
The prospects now so promising of the institution of a 
Highland University College are in no small measure due 
to the solid work accomplished at the Gaelic Mods in the 
past, and to the progressive educational atmosphere which 
that work has created. 

On the foundations thus laid, it is now possible to erect 
a more spacious superstructure. Within the past year or 
two opinion in the Highlands has been gradually maturing 
to the conclusion that the time has come for inaugurating 
a comprehensive scheme of Higher Education adequate to 
the needs of that part of the country. One cardinal fact in 


the situation is that the Gaidhealteachd is a bihngual 
country. It is different from the south of Scotland and 
England. It resembles Quebec, South Africa, Ireland and 
Wales. In these four countries the organisation of Higher 
Education has been in recent years placed on a bilingual 
basis. Hitherto Scottish University education has been 
organised as if there were no such thing as bihngualism 
within the bounds of Scotland. Not one of the existing 
Scottish Universities is adequately organised to meet the 
full needs of the Highlands. Prior to I860, King's College, 
Aberdeen, maintained somewhat close relations with the 
northern Highlands, yet no one can affirm that the acade- 
mical requirements of that part of the country have ever 
been adequately recognised in the past. The position 
to-day may be gauged by the fact that in the University of 
Aberdeen Gaelic is classed with Chinese and Gujarati as a 
preliminary subject but is not taught. 

The courses of instruction now furnished in the Scottish 
Universities as a preparation for the ministry of the Presby- 
terian Church cannot surely be considered adequate in view 
of the very great dearth of Gaelic-speaking ministers in all 
sections of Presbyterianism. The dearth of ministers for 
Gaelic charges is no greater than the dearth of fully equipped 
Gaelic-speaking teachers in the schools. Probably a scrutiny 
of the other professions would disclose similar shortcomings. 
Nor should there be any surprise at all this when it is remem- 
bered that, as has been stated above, the Higher Education 
of Scotland has been organised without regard to the 
special needs of the Highlands. 

An adequate scheme of Higher Education for the High- 
lands ought, on the one hand, to provide courses of instruc- 
tion in technical science adapted to the commercial and 
industrial needs of the north country, while on the other 
hand, there ought to be room for a seat of higher learning 
devoted to the cultivation of literature, philosophy, and 
science. One is constrained to inquire what in the event 
of further expansion of Higher Education should be the 


scope and aim of such expansion, and what practical steps 
can now be taken to build up the required superstructure. 
A comprehensive scheme covering the whole ground would 
provide central institutions in agricultural science and 
technology, for the provision of which aid might be expected 
from the public departments of the Government, and side 
by side with these central institutions a University College 
possessing faculties of Arts, Science, and Education, for 
the endowment of which an appeal must be made to the 
patriotism and enterprise of all true Highlanders and to the 
generosity of the public. In present circumstances Govern- 
ment aid can scarcely be looked for in the departments of 
Philosophy and Pure Science, but the generous donor was 
never more liberal than he is to-day. It only needs the 
requisite faith and courage on the part of the promoters 
to achieve what is required. 

Let us deal somewhat in detail with each of the proposed 

I. Central Institutions 

What are the needs of the Highlands in applied science ? 
To answer this question we have to consider the existing 
industrial situation in that part of the country. 

The chief industries in the Highlands are farming 
(agricultural and pastoral) and fishing. Of secondary 
importance in comparison with these but capable of exten- 
sive developments are forestry, engineering, and woollen 

As regards agriculture, a large part of the country is 
given over to small holdings, and the effect of recent legis- 
lation will be to increase the number of small holders. 
Sheep farms are being formed into club farms. Many large 
arable farms are being broken up into small holdings. If 
the new small holdings are to be placed upon a soimd 
economic footing, it is of supreme importance that the small 
holders should be properly equipped so as to be able to 
farm their holdings according to the most approved modern 


methods. If the small holdings are worked on the old 
slipshod lines as miniature large farms, their financial future 
is indeed gloomy. The heavy financial loss in rents suffered 
by the Congested Districts Board, during the fifteen years 
ending in March 1912, affords ample testimony that it is 
futile to set up small holdings without providing a means of 
making them pay their way. This can be done only through 
agricultural education. Side by side with the formation 
of new holdings a system of sound instruction in agriculture 
and economics must be built up. The present policy of 
promoting small holdings in the Highlands renders the pro- 
vision there of an agricultural institute an absolute necessity. 
We must follow where Denmark, Belgium, and Ireland have 
led the way. It goes without saying, that such an Institute 
would provide courses of instruction not only in agriculture 
but also in the various branches of Domestic Science. The 
locus of the proposed institute is a problem which may be 
said to have settled itself. The Board of Agriculture have 
selected as a stock farm for small holders the farm of Beech- 
wood, situated on the outskirts of Inverness. This farm 
is so admirably equipped for the purposes of agricultural 
instruction, its advantages of situation, soil, aspect, and 
elevation are so great, that it would simply be a waste of 
educational opportunity if an Agricultural Institute were 
not established there. 

The Highland fishing industry has also a strong claim 
for increased educational facilities. Never will Highland 
fishermen rise out of the slough of despond into which 
they have for some time fallen, until they are taught to 
apply to fishing the resources of modern science as their 
fellow fishermen have done in other parts of Scotland. 
Where fishermen are alive to mechanical progress they are 
becoming more prosperous every day. The fishermen of 
the West lag behind lamentably in regard to fishing gear 
and fishing methods. Were they to get the benefit of an 
institution such as the admirable Municipal Technical School 
for fishermen recently estabhshed at Hull, their future 


would undoubtedly brighten and a new era of progress 
would open up for them. If and when an Agricultural 
Institute is established at Inverness, the authorities ought 
seriously to consider the question of providing technical 
education for the Highland fishermen. An improvement 
in their economic position can hardly be attained merely 
by persecuting those fishermen who follow more improved 
methods. The great prosperity of English manufactures 
is in no way due to the pastime of smashing spindles in 
which handloom weavers at one time indulged. 

Under present conditions, the conversion of water power 
into electric power is financially profitable only when opera- 
tions are conducted on a large scale. A time will probably 
soon come, however, when it will be a paying proposition 
to convert water power of moderate quantity into elec- 
tricity. When that day comes there should open a period 
of considerable development in engineering throughout the 
Highlands. In any event, even at present, there is good 
scope for technical instruction in engineering, both electrical 
and mechanical. If a Technical Institute or College is to 
be provided for the Highlands, a strong case can be made 
out for providing an engineering department. 

The same applies to textiles. A Technical College at 
Inverness ought to be the means of greatly improving the 
Home Industries of the Highlands. The production of 
handmade tweeds could then be organised on the most 
scientific lines. Practical instruction in economics com- 
bined with technical instruction would enable the small- 
holders and textile workers to reap the benefit of co-opera- 
tive methods. 

On forestry only one word need be said. The Govern- 
ment's Advisory Committee on Forestry has reported in 
favour of a single Forestry School for Scotland. Where 
that school is to be placed is still on the knees of the gods. 
No doubt the claim of Inverness as the centre of the largest 
afforestable area in Scotland will be fully considered along 
with the claims of Aberdeen and Edinburgh. 



II. A University College 

The need for an Agricultural Institute and Technical 
College to meet the industrial needs of the Highlands is 
beyond doubt. But something more is required to com- 
plete the scheme of Higher Education. This article is 
already so long that space is scarcely left for full discussion 
of the question of a University College for the Highlands, 
with courses of instruction in literature, philosophy, and 
science organised to meet the requirements of a bilingual 
country. To begin with, the promoters of the College ought 
perhaps to be content with the institution of faculties in 
Arts and Pure Science providing courses of instruction 
leading up to the degrees of M.A. and B.Sc. When these 
faculties are once established, a means will be provided of 
replenishing the present meagre supply of ministers, teachers, 
and other professional men adequately equipped for work 
in the Highlands. 

Northern students have long taken a leading place in 
the ministry and in the teaching profession. They are to 
be found in the high places of these professions all over 
Great Britain and the Colonies, as well as in India, with the 
result that there has been a serious drain upon the supply 
for local requirements. The new college will help to rectify 
that. It may be a question whether a Degree in Educa- 
tion ought not to be instituted from the outset in the new 
College. Meantime the practical problem confronting the 
promoters is to determine what subjects ought to be chosen 
for the inaugural courses of instruction. Let the promoters 
go forward in a courageous and enterprising spirit, and 
thei-e can be little doubt that success will attend their 
efforts. They will be able to make a notable addition to 
the educational resources of the country if they obtain 
a reasonable measure of financial support. 

One word in conclusion about the College Library. It 
should be something more than merely a College Library, 
for it ought to serve as a National Library for the Highlands 


of Scotland. The effort to make it worthy of such a func- 
tion calls for much patriotic energy and self-sacrifice on 
the part of enterprising Highlanders. The National 
Library of Wales at Aberystwyth is to cost £150,000. A 
National Library for the Highlands — ^providing a recep- 
tacle for Gaelic and Highland lore and traditions of all 
descriptions, as well as making adequate provision for the 
needs of the College faculties and of the allied Central Insti- 
tutions, would be a mighty boon worthy of a great effort. 

We can only hope that the promoters will be able to 
secure a National and College Library that will be a credit 
to the Highlands. 

At an important Conference with the Chairman of the 
Board of Agriculture held in the Town Hall, Inverness, on 
23rd October 1914, to consider ways and means of provid- 
ing a School of Agriculture for the Highlands, the Rev. 
J. D. MacGilp, Chairman of the Inverness School Board, 
proposed that the Secretary for Scotland should be urged 
to press forward the scheme without delay so as to provide 
relief of distress arising from the war and also so that the 
institution might be in readiness to provide training to 
soldiers partially disabled in the war who might desire to 
take up small holdings. It may be noted that a scheme to 
provide training in agriculture and gardening for wounded 
soldiers has recently been promoted in Easter Ross by the 
Rev. Dr. Patrick Mackay. The new Institute at Inverness 
could not be inaugurated more worthily than by helping 
those who have at such sacrifice to themselves served their 
country so well. 

It is estimated that there are now serving under the 
British flag full 100,000 kilted men who have come forward 
with great loyalty from all parts of the Empire. Surely 
the Highlands deserve some recognition for all this, and 
there could be no more appropriate recognition than prompt 
provision of an Agricultural Institute where men maimed 
and wounded in the war could be taught a means of earning 
a livelihood. 



Rev. Malcolm MacLeod, M.A. 

Whoever would know the Highland soldier with all his 
glamour and fascination must first understand his native 

A land of hills and valleys, mists and sunshine, many 
storms and strange calms ; a land the outward aspect of 
which ever changes, and yet is ever the same. The mysteri- 
ous Beyond ever breaking through the veil, now showing in 
many-coloured calms, and now in lances flashing through 
the fleecy ridges of the sky. Again in rushing mighty 
storms, monarch of all. 

Whoever, I say, would know the Gaelic lad must know 
his native land. Our land makes us — fashions ourselves 
and our homes. Not merely materials for our physical 
needs we receive from these straths and rocks and streams 
of ours — for man cannot live by bread alone, and a High- 
lander least of all men. Not merely these, but capacities 
and gifts bestowed and nourished by the spirit of the land, 
gifts which this spirit receives again in wedlock. He is a 
part of his native land, nourished by her, moved and ruled 
by Nature's varying moods and tempers. 

The plenty and peace of our harvest stir us into song — 
song which means more than gladness — song of rich joy. 
Strangers visit us when Nature has on her dress of gloomy 
dulness and grim want, and those who have not the faculty 
to perceive proclaim ' the gloom of the Gael ' ! Yes, we 
respond to the spirit of our land and to her call to remember 
whence we are. Strangers visit us when Nature has her 
turn of ease, when stillness is progress, and they name us 
lazy ! But in stillness there is strength, and in strength 
progress and real activity. The tempest rages, the sea 
with its bewitching mystery lifts itself in white and mossy 
ridges. The boats that ride at anchor are in danger of 


being driven on the rocky shore. Men gather, women 
wonder, children look on from afar, and, light of foot and 
quick of hand, crews man the small craft and wrestle with 
the waves. Oars creak and bend and break, but still they 
face the storm. The boats are reached and finally amidst 
seething mass of mossy sea, are beached secure. What 
quickness of hand and body, what consciousness of power, 
what unity of aim, brought their task to a close ! The sea 
demanded, we responded. Yes, the sea and the land are 
ours and we are theirs. 

Our country is threatened and insulted. Some say, 
*What have you Highlanders to fight for?' A rich inherit- 
ance — an inheritance which money can never buy. Our 
native land, the very spouse of our being, shall never be 
polluted by German hordes. She called us to defend and 
guard the pure shrine of her being. And we responded 
gloriously and shall respond. We could do no other and 
remain Highlanders and true to ourselves. We hear our 
hills of home caUing us, caUing us to be true to what they 
have been giving us of courage and truth and power for 
generations back. The Highlands answered their king 
and country's call better than any other part, but those 
who know do not wonder. . . . 

War is declared. It is the morning of the muster call 
— calm and still. The ' boys ' are gathered at the village hall, 
wonder and wistfulness in every face. They are one with 
their native isle in all its life and spirit. They are ready 
to march to the boat which is to carry them over the sea 
to the war. One word more. The Pilot of the Spirit stepped 
forward and uttered their wish. ' We want to sing ' : — 

* I to the hills will lift mine eyes, 
from whence doth come mine aid. 
My safety cometh from the Lord 
who heaven and earth hath made.' 

We sang, we felt, we imderstood. 

' My safety cometh from the Lord 
who heaven and earth hath made.' 



Rev. Malcolm MacLeod, M.A. 

Whoever would know the Highland soldier with all his 
glamour and fascination must first understand his native 

A land of hills and valleys, mists and sunshine, many 
storms and strange calms ; a land the outward aspect of 
which ever changes, and yet is ever the same. The mysteri- 
ous Beyond ever breaking through the veil, now showing in 
many-coloured calms, and now in lances flashing through 
the fleecy ridges of the sky. Again in rushing mighty 
storms, monarch of all. 

Whoever, I say, would know the Gaelic lad must know 
his native land. Our land makes us — fashions ourselves 
and our homes. Not merely materials for our physical 
needs we receive from these straths and rocks and streams 
of ours — for man cannot live by bread alone, and a High- 
lander least of all men. Not merely these, but capacities 
and gifts bestowed and nourished by the spirit of the land, 
gifts which this spirit receives again in wedlock. He is a 
part of his native land, nourished by her, moved and ruled 
by Nature's varying moods and tempers. 

The plenty and peace of our harvest stir us into song — 
song which means more than gladness — song of rich joy. 
Strangers visit us when Nature has on her dress of gloomy 
dulness and grim want, and those who have not the faculty 
to perceive proclaim ' the gloom of the Gael ' ! Yes, we 
respond to the spirit of our land and to her call to remember 
whence we are. Strangers visit us when Nature has her 
turn of ease, when stillness is progress, and they name us 
lazy ! But in stillness there is strength, and in strength 
progress and real activity. The tempest rages, the sea 
with its bewitching mystery lifts itself in white and mossy 
ridges. The boats that ride at anchor are in danger of 


being driven on the rocky shore. Men gather, women 
wonder, children look on from afar, and, light of foot and 
quick of hand, crews man the small craft and wrestle with 
the waves. Oars creak and bend and break, but still they 
face the storm. The boats are reached and finally amidst 
seething mass of mossy sea, are beached secure. What 
quickness of hand and body, what consciousness of power, 
what unity of aim, brought their task to a close ! The sea 
demanded, we responded. Yes, the sea and the land are 
ours and we are theirs. 

Our country is threatened and insulted. Some say, 
* What have you Highlanders to fight for ? ' A rich inherit- 
ance — an inheritance which money can never buy. Our 
native land, the very spouse of our being, shall never be 
polluted by German hordes. She called us to defend and 
guard the pure shrine of her being. And we responded 
gloriously and shall respond. We could do no other and 
remain Highlanders and true to ourselves. We hear our 
hills of home calling us, caUing us to be true to what they 
have been giving us of courage and truth and power for 
generations back. The Highlands answered their king 
and country's call better than any other part, but those 
who know do not wonder. ... 

War is declared. It is the morning of the muster call 
— calm and still. The ' boys' are gathered at the village hall, 
wonder and wistfulness in every face. They are one with 
their native isle in all its life and spirit. They are ready 
to march to the boat which is to carry them over the sea 
to the war. One word more. The Pilot of the Spirit stepped 
forward and uttered their wish. ' We want to sing ' : — 

* I to the hills will lift mine eyes, 
from whence doth come mine aid. 
My safety cometh from the Lord 
who heaven and earth hath made.' 

We sang, we felt, we understood. 

' My safety cometh from the Lord 
who heaven and earth hath made.' 



strong in the history of his race. Men, like those ancient 
chiefs of Gaul whom Alexander the Great tried, asking who 
of all men they feared the most. ' We fear no man ; the 
only thing we fear is that the heavens may fall on us some 
day and crush us.' Anything human they could face and 
fight, and overcome, or fall in the attempt. These men at 
the Front are strong through what their country and their 
homes have made them. Yes, their hills and their homes. 
'Not much there to fight for,' the ignoble tell us. Bleak and 
barren lands and much of it not ours. Thatched houses 
and smoky dwellings. Ah ! but our homes — the centre 
of our life and inspiration. In a foreign land we think of 
them all and thank God for the privilege of guarding such 
homes and what they stand for. 

Many a poor black cottage is there 

Grimy with peat smoke 
Sending up in the evening air 

Purest blue incense 
While the low music of psalm and prayer 

Rises to Heaven. 

The Highlanders rallied to their king and coimtry's call 
— rushed from rocky heights and sea-washed, barren isles, 
from far colonies and foreign lands. They rallied best of all 
Britannia's sons. Do people wonder ? Only those who know 
not the spirit of our land and our native Gaelic hearts. 


Alexander Carmichabl 

{Continued from f, 148) 

Intermediate Run-Rig 

The low-lying district of locar, ' nether,' is a narrow strip 
l3dng across from sea to sea on the extreme north end of 
South Uist. It is boimded on three sides by the sea, and 
on the fourth by a large farm. This district comprehends 


nine townlands, and an aggregate of eighty-eight crofters. 
Each of these crofters has a distinct croft of his own in his 
townland, and a share in the arable land common to the 
whole crofters of the district. 

The crofts of the townlands lie towards the middle of 
the district. On the east, between the ragged townlands 
and the Minch, lies a moor interspersed with rocks, bogs, 
and water. Where the land is not rock it is heath, where 
not heath it is bog, where not bog it is black, peaty, shallow 
lake, and where not lake it is a sinuous arm of the sea, wind- 
ing, coiling, and trailing its snake-like forms into every in- 
conceivable shape, and meeting one with all its black slimy 
mud in the most unexpected places. The crofters of the 
district send cattle here in spring and early summer, if driven 
by necessity from want of provender, not otherwise. The 
moss, particularly at one place, contains much sundew, 
Drosera rotundifoUa, and this the people affirm causes red 
water — Gaelic, bun dearg — in their cattle. The various 
names the old Highlanders had for this plant indicate that 
they understood its carniverous nature before Darwin's 
discovery. The plant was called Lus a' Ghadmuin, in refer- 
ence to its qualities as a hair wash, Lus an Deoghail, from 
its sucking quahties, and Lus an Dioglain, from its titillat- 
ing, tickUng nature. The crofters themselves cultivate no 
part of this moor, but numerous squatters sent and settled 
there do. 

Between the rocky, boggy, water-logged townlands and 
the Atlantic is an extensive plain, locally called machair. 
This machair, like the moorland, is held in common by all 
the crofters of the district. Some portions of the machair 
are cultivated, some are under grazing, and much is in- 
capable either of cultivation or grazing, being simply sterile 

For economic purposes, the eighty-eight crofts of the 
district are divided into four sections of twenty-two each. 
These sections or wards are presided over by constables, 
and the whole district is presided over by a maor. 



The cultivated parts of the machair are periodically 
allotted among the eighty-eight crofters. This is done 
at Hallowmas — Gaelic, Samhuin. The scat, clar, or leob, 
as the undivided ground is called, is divided into four 

These quarters are balloted for by the constables of the 
townlands for their respective constituencies. This accom- 
plished, the constables, aided by the people, the whole 
supervised by the maor, subdivide their respective sections 
into the necessary number of rigs or ridges — Gaelic, imirean, 
or iomairean. 

The crofters cast lots in their respective wards, 
and the rig which then falls to a man he retains for three 
years. At the end of that time the whole cultivation 
is again let out in grass, and fresh ground broken in as 

During summer and autumn, the flocks of the whole 
community graze over these machairs, herded by one or 
two herdsmen as occasion requires. 

While each crofter sends more or less stock to the 
district grazing of the machair, he probably grazes fewer or 
more cows and horses on the uncultivated portions of his 
croft at home. These are tethered or tended by a member 
of the crofter's family. 

There being no fences in the district of locar, except 
those built by the late Rev. Father James Macgrigor, the 
gaunt cattle and horses of the crofters roam at will when 
the crops are secured. In their intense struggle for exist- 
ence, these crofters keep far more stock than their crofts 
can at all adequately maintain. They do not act upon 
their own proverb, ' Is fearr aon laogh na da chraicionn,' 
One calf is better than two skins. They give the food to 
their cattle and horses that they so sorely need for them- 
selves. Considering the quantity and quality of their land, 
that the cottars living upon them are nearly as numerous 
as the crofters themselves, while many of these keep nearly 
as much stock, that practically they support their own poor, 


and several other considerations that must be taken into 
account, probably these crofters pay four times the rent paid 
by the large farms ; not that the large farms are under- 
rented ; that as a whole they are not. That the locar 
crofters exist at all is only an evidence of the tenacity of 
their race. As one of themselves said — ' We take a deal 
of killing, or we would have been killed out long ago.' 

Of the dykes built by Mr. Macgrigor no praise is too 
good. Mr. Macgrigor was the priest of probably the most 
depressed congregation in Scotland. Yet during his in- 
cumbency of over forty years, he showed a more admirable 
example to the people how to improve their crofts than all 
the proprietors, factors, and tacksmen put together. He 
built several miles of the most excellent enduring stone 
dykes round and across his croft, while it is computed that 
more stone is hid underground in drains made by him than 
appears in these dykes. And all these stones, together 
with those that went to build his chapel, chapel-house, and 
outhouses, Mr. Macgrigor quarried from the rocky hillocks 
and erratic boulders that literally studded the face of the 
land when he came to the place. This land, so well laid 
out in parks, is now equal to any in the Western Isles for 
cropping and grazing. 

Mr. Macgrigor lived on the plainest fare in order to 
improve his place. He personally superintended the 
digging and the filling up of every drain, the building of 
every dyke, and the constructing of every house, while 
nothing delighted him so much as to see boulders and rocks 
breaking down before his fire, gunpowder, and crowbars. 

The good deeds that this poor priest accomplished above 
and below ground, and as a skilful medical man among all 
denominations, and in social life, are marvellous. Nor are 
they ' all interred with his bones.' Mr. Macgrigor was the 
last professor in the Catholic College of Lismore. In that 
island he is still remembered. 

Mr. Macgrigor was warmly loved and welcomed where- 
ever he went, and nowhere more warmly than by the 
VOL. x. R 



excellent family of the then minister of the parish, the Rev. 
Roderick Maclean. Mr. Maclean, being an excellent classic, 
as well as an excellent man, read from the Greek and Hebrew 
texts to the last. He and Mr. Macgrigor were warm friends, 
and perhaps no more graceful act was ever done by the 
minister of one denomination to that of another than was 
done by the parish minister to the priest. The then factor 
was depriving Mr. Macgrigor of his croft and confiscating 
his improvements. The minister of the parish, the only 
man who could do so with safety, used his good offices with 
the absentee proprietor, and Mr. Macgrigor, to the relief 
of every person, was let alone. 

A subsequent factor nearly took the place from Mr. 
Macgrigor' s successor, not because this lamb himseK was 
accused of disturbing the water, but because the factor 
alleged, erroneously however, that another lamb of the 
same kind, in a distant fold, was. Better counsel prevailed, 

These and similar cases show the need of security 
against arbitrary evictions at the hands of men whose own 
despotic will is their law. When men so offenceless, so 
respected and beloved by the whole community, so narrowly 
escaped, what chance had obscure crofters who had no one 
to speak for them ? 

What improvements on lands or on houses can be 
expected under such conditions, and in the absence of pro- 
prietors or proprietrixes if misled, however well meaning ? 

Dr. Alexander Macleod, commonly called 'An Dotair 
Ban' from his fair hair, was factor over the South Uist 
estates for a few years. During his altogether too brief 
factorship, Dr. Macleod conceived and executed many 
schemes of great originality and utility for the improve- 
ment of the estates. Among other things he placed stones 
along the strand for growing sea-weed ; he planted bent, 
GaeUc, muran, over hundreds of acres of sterile sands that 
are now smiUng machairs ; and he cut canals — Gaelic, 
ligeadh — from lakes to the sea, whereby he drained vast 


tracts of land hitherto under water. On these canals he 
placed ingeniously constructed self-acting flood-gates, to 
let out the fresh and to keep out the salt water. 

Instead of draining the estates of their money, like others, 
Dr. Macleod endeavoured to drain them of their water, 
while the many wonderful improvements he effected over 
these estates testify to his success, and indicate what the 
estates would have become under his management. 

When Colonel Gordon of Cluny heard of his death, he 
wept, though not much given to weeping, and said : — ' I 
have had many halflins, but never a whole factor except 
Dr. Macleod.' 

The people of the Western Isles still speak with admira- 
tion of Dr. Macleod's head and heart, and of his medical 

The people of the Gordon estates had great faith in the 
ability and integrity of Mr. James Drever, now of Orkney, 
for the improvement of the impoverished estates and people, 
and they still regret his resignation of the factorship. 

North Uist 

All the crofter land in North Uist, except that of three 
farms, is held and worked on the Intermediate System of 
Run-Rig. This system has been described in South Uist. 
The three farms in question are those of Hosta, Caolas 
Paipil, and Heisgeir. These three are still used and worked 
entirely on the Run-Rig System, and probably they are 
the only examples now remaining in Scotland, if not in the 
British Isles, of this once prevalent system of holding the 
land and tilling the ground. And, perhaps, it is in the 
fitting order of things that these, the last lingering foot- 
steps of this far-travelled pilgrim from the eye of day, 
should here sink down on the bosom of endless night, where 
the last rays of the setting sun sink and disappear in the 
mysterious fading horizon beyond. But this is a practical 
age, and these are day dreams. I am no advocate for the 



retention of a system now effete, and yet I cannot help 
heaving a sigh of regret on seeing a system once and for 
ages, the land system of millions of the human race, now 
disused, discarded, and disowned, disappearing, and for 
ever, on the shores of those eerie Western Isles, washed by 
the Atlantic tide, whose waves pour their dirge-like strains 
over the dying, while the voice of Celtic Sorrow wails on 
the lonely ear of Night — 

Cha till, cha till, cha till mi tuille ! 
I return, I return, I return nevermore ! 

The townlands of Heisgeir, Caolas Paipil, and Hosta 
are worked ahke. The first contains ten, the second six, 
and the third four tenants. 

These three farms were of old occupied by one tenant 
in each. When they were let, one after another, some years 
ago to small tenants, these new tenants adopted the Run- 
Rig System in its entirety, as that best adapted to 
the circumstances of their position. Nor must they be 
condemned in this without taking all the circumstances of 
their position into consideration. Moreover, these men 
are probably as weU qualified to judge of their own require- 
ments as any person likely to sit in judgment upon them. 


Heisgeir is a low-lying sandy island in the Atlantic. It 
is three miles in length, and a mile and a third in breadth 
at its broadest. When the tide is in, the island is divided 
into three by two fords that cross it ; while beyond it lies 
the Island of Seiley, separated by a strait a third of a mile 
wide and which never dries. 

Heisgeir lies four and a half miles from North Uist, to 
which it belongs. 

An isthmus connected the island of Heisgeir with the 
mainland of North Uist. The isthmus was called Aoi, as 
similar places are still called. But, partly through the 
gradual subsidence of the land, and partly owing to the 


gradual dislodgment of the friable sand forming the isthmus, 
the isthmus by degrees gave way to fords, and the fords 
broadened into a strait four and a half miles wide and 
four fathoms deep. Tradition still mentions the names 
of those who crossed these fords last, and the names of 
persons drowned in crossing. 

That the heavy Atlantic surf, ceaselessly beating against 
a bank of friable sand should ultimately destroy it is only 
natural. The process is going on at various places along 
the West Coast. I know men who ploughed and reaped 
fields now under the sea. 

The island of Heisgeir is called Heisgeir nan Cailleach 
— ' Heisgeir of the Carlins.' A community of nuns in con- 
nection with lona lived here. These good nuns lived there 
far into Reformation times, and only died out from natural 
decay. The site of their house was pointed out to me by 
a lonely old woman who lived on the spot, and who, from 
her aged appearance, might almost have been the last re- 
maining link between them and us. 

Divided by a strait a third of a mile wide, and beyond 
Heisgeir proper, is Heisgeir nam Manach — ' Heisgeir of 
the Monks.' The whole extent, rocks included, is half a 
mile long and half a mile wide. A monastery stood in the 
olden times where the lighthouse now stands. And I think 
it is but simple justice to the memory of those good monks 
of old to believe that they were actuated from pure motives 
of humanity to build their house on that wild bare bluff 
to warn passing vessels of their danger. The lighthouse 
serves the same purpose now. 

This is the nearest island to Saint Kilda, and is known 
to mariners as Monach, but to the natives as Seiley — Seal- 
isle, from the Norse. Before the lighthouse was built the 
island and the rocks around it were much frequented by seals. 
They have now deserted the place. Shipping is indebted 
to Mr. John Macdonald, Newtown, for having drawn the 
attention of the Lighthouse Commissioners to the need of a 
lighthouse on this highly dangerous coast. 



One summer day long ago, all the men and women in 
Heisgeir went to Seiley to shear sheep. Having landed 
their wives on Seiley, the men went to a tidal rock near 
hand to kill seals. In their hurry to club the seals on the 
rock they omitted to secure their boat properly, and the 
boat drifted away before the wind. The women had no 
boat with which to rescue their husbands, and the tide was 
flowing rapidly. The cries of the distressed women were 
heard by a woman on the opposite side of the strait. End 
by end this brave woman took down from above water- 
mark a large boat and pulled it across to her agonised sisters. 
But alas, too late ! The Atlantic waves rose mountains 
high, as they can rise only round this coast, and the men 
were swept off the rock one by one and drowned before the 
eyes of their wives. Some of the wives lost their reason, 
some their health and strength, and died broken-hearted. 
Such is the tradition in the place. 

The flesh of the seal is called carr in Gaelic. The flesh 
of the whale is also called carr, but the flesh of no land 
animal is. It would be curious to trace the cause of this 

The people of Uist used to eat seals. One of their 
proverbs is — 

Is math am biadh femanaich 
Aran seagail agus saill roin. 

Good food it is for sea- weed worker, 
Eye bread and blubber of seal. 

The seal blubber was cut into long thin strips. These 
were placed on a table. A board, with heavy weight on 
the top, was placed over the strips of blubber to press out 
the oil. The people's tastes have changed, and they do 
not now eat seals. Probably the monks of Monach used 
seal flesh for their table, and seal oil for their beacon lights. 

The hapless Lady Grange lived in Heisgeir before she 
was sent to Saint Kilda. 

(To he continued.) 



W. J. Watson, M.A., LL.D. 

Or Celtic paganism we laiow in one way a good deal, and 
in another way but little. The external facts are fairly 
obvious ; the private beliefs and their practical working are, 
as in the case of most religions, difficult to ascertain, and the 
difficulty is increased by the circumstance that all old Gaelic 
literature, pagan though it might be in origin, has been 
written down by scribes who were Christians. These pious 
scribes undoubtedly edited their material. Here is an 
instance of such editing, imperfect and naive, as we should 
think. An old Irish prayer for long life begins thus : — 

I invoke the seven daughters of the sea, [Treathain], 
who fashion the threads of the sons of long life : 

May three deaths be taken from me ! 

May three periods of age be granted to me ! 

May seven waves of good fortune be dealt to me ! 
Phantoms shall not harm me on my journey, 
in flashing corslet without hindrance ! 
My fame shall not perish ! 
Let old age come to me ! death shall not 
come to me till I am old ! 

That, you will I think agree, is a thoroughly pagan invoca- 
tion. The seven daughters of Triton sitting in Tir fo thuinn, 
spinning fate for men, is part of the old mythology. Yet 
the prayer ends thus : — 

May the grace of the Holy Spirit be upon me ! 
Domini est salus (ter) ; Christi est salus (ter). 
Super populum tuum, Domine, benedictio tua. 

The scribe, in preserving for us this venerable relic of 
paganism has sained it : he has made the sign of the cross 
over it. Here we have the keynote of the attitude of the 

^ A lecture delivered at the opening of the Celtic Class in the University of 
Edinburgh. Session 1915-16. 


Church to a whole department of pagan beUefs. We may 
compare the procedure of Columba in the cases of the two 
aged men, Emchat in Glen Urquhart, and Artbranan in 
Skye. Both of these were pagans who had preserved their 
naturale honum throughout their whole lives up to extreme 
old age, in view of which Columba makes haste to baptize 
them, and on the completion of the rite they die. The rite 
of baptism turns the pagan natural goodness into Christian 
goodness. It is not surprising to find considerable con- 
fusion of what is pagan and what is Christian in writing, 
in belief, and in practice, nor is it always easy to distinguish 
the one from the other. 

I have said that we know something of the externals of 
Gaelic paganism. In Ireland from the frequent references 
in Irish literature, we may reasonably conclude that the 
old gods were still in vogue about the time when Christianity 
was introduced in the fifth century. These early gods go 
under the general name of Tuatha De Danann, and corre- 
spond in the main to the gods of Greece and Rome : they 
are the gods of an Aryan people. They have an Allfather, 
oll-athair, the Dagda or good god. Lug is their god of light 
and varied accomplishments. Manannan mac Lir is the 
god of the sea : the sea is his wife, and the waves in storm 
are called mong mna Manannan, the tresses, locks, or the 
mane of Manannan' s wife. The god of love is Aengus, son 
of the Dagda. There are goddesses also, notably Brigit, 
daughter of the Dagda, the goddess of wisdom, of medicine 
and of metal work, and the fierce war goddess Bodb (Gaulish 
Boduos) or the Morrigan or Macha. It is not necessary for 
our purpose to continue the enumeration. We have no 
specific information as to the attitude of the Church to them. 
It would appear, however, that the Christian saint Brigit, 
the ' Mary of the Gael,' owed much of her renown to her 
name, which served her as heir to the veneration paid to 
the pagan goddess. It is not impossible, in view of the well- 
established Celtic doctrine of re-birth, that Brigit the saint 
was regarded by the people as a reincarnation of Brigit the 


goddess. The memory of the old gods, or at least the tales 
concerning them, lasted right through the ages, till in the 
middle of the sixteenth century we fuid the complaint of 
John Carswell, Bishop of the Isles, that composers and writers 
of Gaelic prefer to shape and to dress up vain, lying, wordly 
tales about the Tuatha De Danann and the sons of Mile and 
Fionn mac Cumhail than to take as their subject the faith- 
ful words of God and the perfect ways of the truth. 

The gods of the Tuatha De Danann were more than local 
deities ; their cult appears to have been national. But as 
in Gaul, Greece, and elsewhere, there were also tribal gods 
and local gods. Of the tribal gods we know little. It has 
been supposed, not unreasonably, that a number of ancient 
Irish septs derive from an ancestor, or more often ancestress, 
of divine origin. In the heroic tales both Cuchullin of Ulster 
and Ailill of Connacht (as well as others) use the asseverative 
formula, ' I swear by the gods by whom my tribe swear,' 
' I swear by the gods of my tribe.' In the saga of Bricriu's 
feast, we read that at a moment when Cuchullin proposed 
to exert himself to the utmost, ' his folk of might, and those 
whom he worshipped ' came to his help. Such references 
to worship are extremely rare, and they may have been 
suppressed deliberately. It has been remarked that in 
Greece long after the cult of the great gods, Zeus, Poseidon 
Athene, and the others, had fallen into disuse, the cult of 
the lesser and strictly local divinities, spirits of the hills, 
woods, rivers, and fountains and such, continued active. 
It was with them that the people had to do all along directly 
and intimately ; they formed the bulk of the private religion 
of the individual. Often, indeed, though that does not 
concern us here, the great god is, to begin with, a local 
divinity, or the local divinity is a great god localised, re- 
stricted to a particular spot. In Ireland and in Scotland 
it is plain that local divinities were exceedingly common, 
and had a great hold over the minds of the people. There 
were, to begin with, the aes sidhe, the folk of earth-mounds 
or fairy hillocks (our sidhean, or, in the north, cathair), the 



elves, who according to tradition were really the Tuatha 
De Danann who had retreated beneath the earth when 
defeated by the Milesians. Certain of the great gods were 
indeed located in the great sepulchral mounds of New 
Grange and other places, but the sidhe are so widely dis- 
tributed that it is more likely they were to begin with dei 
terreni, earth gods. However that may be, the belief in 
them was real, active, and general, and it is very far from 
having died out yet either in Ireland or in Scotland. 

But besides the elves, there were countless local deities 
or demons of flood, field, and mountain. They or their 
successors and representatives are still, or were very recently, 
well known to us in Scotland as gruagach, uruisg, neithich, 
cailleach na h-ahhann^ et hoc genus omne. The nymphs 
connected with certain rivers are still remembered, such as 
Gicachag, the goddess of the river of Glen Cuaich, Inver- 
ness-shire, who appears when the Glen changes hands ; 
and Eiteag, the deity of Loch Etive, who haunts Gleann 
Salach near Inveresragan. We feel very close to river 
worship when Adamnan informs us that the river Lochdia 
(now Ldchaidh) means Nigra Dea, Black Goddess. Both in 
Adamnan' s Life of Golumba, and in the ancient Life of St. 
Patrick, we are told expressly of wells that were worshipped 
as gods. The people with whom Columba had to do in 
Scotland, and with whom Patrick had to do in Ireland, 
lived in an atmosphere thick with demons, to whose agency 
they ascribed natural phenomena, such as winds, as also 
illnesses and accidents of the most trifling kind. This state 
of matters is sufficiently indicated by Adamnan when near 
the beginning of the Life he writes : ' He alone by the 
assistance of God expelled from this our island innumerable 
hosts of malignant spirits, whom he saw with his bodily 
eyes assailing himself, and beginning to bring deadly dis- 
tempers on his monastic brotherhood.' It is to be noted 
that Columba and his biographer Adamnan, who wrote 
about one hundred years or less after his death, felt no doubt 
whatever as to the existence of these spirits. They believed 



in them just as much as their contemporaries believed, but 

their attitude to them was very different. This attitude is 

best illustrated by two examples from Adamnan. A young 

lad, Columbanus Ua Briuin, in lona, on his way home from 

the milking, carrying on his back a vessel of new milk, and 

passing the little cell where St. Columba was writing, asked 

him to bless his burden. The saint did so, making the sign 

of the cross, whereupon the air was agitated, the bar which 

fastened the lid of the pail leaped from its position, the lid 

fell, and the milk was spilled. The lad laid down the vessel 

and kneeled in prayer. ' Rise up, Columbanus,' said the 

saint, ' thou hast acted negligently in thy work to-day, in as 

much as thou didst not banish the demon that lurked in the 

bottom of the empty vessel by forming on it the sign of the 

cross of our Lord before the milk was poured into it ; and 

now, as thou seest, being unable to bear the power of that 

sign, he has quickly fled in terror, troubled the whole vessel 

in every corner, and spilled the milk.' The other example 

is that of the fountain in the province of the Picts which 

foolish men worshipped as a god. Those who drank of it 

or washed therein went home leprous or blind, or otherwise 

suffering. The saint went up to the fountain, to the glee 

of the Druids whom he had often sent away vanquished and 

confounded, and who thought that he would suffer like 

others. But Columba raised his hand and invoked the 

name of Christ, washed his hands and feet, and then with 

his companions drank of the water which he had blessed. 

From that day the demons left the foimtain, and instead of 

causing diseases, it cured them. Such was the procedure 

of Columba. Believing in the existence of demons, he 

believed also that the demons were subject to the power of 

God, and that on the invocation of the holy name of Christ, 

and making the sacred sign, the demons were powerless. 

The pagan method of dealing with these troublesome 
spirits, and with the imseen world generally, was by means 
of magic formulae and incantations, a specimen of which, 
as I suppose, we had already. But while it was in the power 



of any man to adopt the Christian method of prophylaxis, 
the pagan method was by no means thus readily available. 
The methods of dealing with spirits were known only to the 
initiated, in fact to the Druids, who were the recognised 
official intermediators between the unseen powers and the 
individual or the state. The position and importance of 
the Druids is perhaps not altogether appreciated, and an 
understanding of these is quite essential to an understanding 
of the history of the early Celtic Church. It is in fact the 
very kernel and essence of our present subject. 

For Druidism in pagan Alba, our best, and indeed only 
authority, is Adamnan, ninth Abbot of Hy, born 624, died 
704. Columba, whose life he wrote, was active in Hy from 
563 to 597. Adamnan' s statements are of special authority 
because of his comparative nearness in time to the events 
he describes, and his quite exceptional advantages,' as he 
himself narrates, for obtaining reliable information about 
the great Columba. What then can we learn from him as 
to the position and functions of the Druids of Alba ? 

When Columba visited King Brude mac Maelcon at 
Inverness in 565, the most influential personage at court 
was beyond question the Druid Broichan, who is described 
as King Brude's nutricius, or foster-father (Gael. oide). 
The relation of foster-father to foster-son {oide to dalta) was 
well understood as the closest that could exist. Broichan 
was the king's chief adviser, on whose loyalty he relied 
completely, and whose guidance he would follow most 
readily. The Saint and the Druid were enemies from the 
first, and two instances of their antagonism are recorded. 
Broichan possessed a female Scotic (.i. Irish) slave, whom 
he refused to liberate at Columba's request. The Saint at 
once threatened him with sudden death, and proceeding to 
the river Nesa took therefrom a white pebble, saying to his 
companions, ' Behold this white pebble by which God will 
effect the cure of many diseases among this heathen nation.' 
He then amiounced that Broichan, having had a sudden 
and terrible visitation, was already at the point of death. 


At the words, two riders came from the king begging him to 
cure his foster-father Broichan; whereupon Columba sent 
two of his people with the pebble which he had blessed, 
saying, ' If Broichan promise to set the maiden free, then 
immerse this stone in water and let him drink from it, and 
he shall be instantly cured ; but if he break his vow, he 
shall die that instant.' The captive was at once handed 
over to the messengers, and the Druid recovered. The 
other incident can be related more briefly. When Columba 
with his train had been some time at Inverness, Broichan 
impolitely asked when he proposed to leave ; and on being 
informed that they were to sail down Loch Ness in three 
days, declared that on that day he would cause darkness 
and an unfavourable wind. He did so, but Columba never- 
theless, after caUing on Christ, embarked, with the result 
that at first his boat ran against the wind with great speed, 
and soon the wind turned in their favour. 

From this narrative it will be seen that Columba, accord- 
ing to his biographer, succeeded completely in imposing his 
wiU on Broichan, literally putting the fear of death on him, 
and secondly, in discrediting him and his science not only 
with Brude, but with the pubhc. Of the other references to 
Druids in the Life one has been quoted already, in connec- 
tion with the story of the poisonous fountain. We are 
perhaps to infer that the Druids knew the formula of the 
fountain. A third is the occasion when at Inverness some 
Druids attempted to prevent Columba and his company 
from chanting their evening hymns outside the fortifications. 
The Saint began to sing the 44th Psalm with a voice that 
sounded so wonderfully loud, like thunder, that king and 
people were struck with terror. The fourth and last in- 
stance is that of the family, husband, wife, children and 
domestics (familiares), who became converted to Christian- 
ity, and soon thereafter one of the sons died. The Druids 
upbraided his parents and extolled their own gods as more 
powerful than the God of the Christians (implying that the 
death was a 'judgment'). The Saint, after earnest prayer. 



called on the dead man in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ 
to arise, and the man was restored to life. 

Our earliest authority for Druidism in Ireland is the 
Book of Armagh, written from older materials in the early 
part of the ninth century, that is, about four hundred years 
after St. Patrick (ob. 463), whose life it records. Here also 
the Druids are Patrick's most formidable opponents. At the 
court of Loegaire mac Neill, high king of Ireland, at Tara, 
there were two or three chief Druids who acted as the king's 
councillors, prophets, and enchanters. The full account of 
Patrick's deahng with them may be read in The Tripartite 
Life of 8t. Patrick, edited by Dr. W. Stokes. There it will 
be seen how the king, whose daughter was fostered by one 
of the Druids, acts on the advice of the Druids, with whom 
rests the initiative. One of the Druids at Patrick's word 
is raised into the air and dashed in pieces, and when the 
king proposes to avenge him, darkness came over the sun, 
and there was a great earthquake and trembling of weapons. 
On another occasion an ambush is laid for Patrick and his 
companions, but a cloak of darkness was cast over them so 
that the heathen saw, as it were, deer going by. Another 
time, Patrick and the Druids have a contest in the plain 
round about Tara. The Druids bring deep snow on the 
plain, but cannot put it away for twenty-four hours. Patrick 
blessed the plain, and the storm vanished. The Druid 
sends darkness and cannot dispel it. The darkness vanishes 
at Patrick's blessing. In the last contest one of the Druids 
is burned alive, but Patrick's chasuble which was about him 
was not even singed. Ultimately two of the remaining 
Druids believe and are baptized. 

If, then, we accept the statements of the biographers of 
St. Patrick and St. Columba, we observe that both in Alba 
and in Erin the position and the character of the Druids is 
similar. Further information from early sources can be 
had from the ancient Irish literature. In the Tain Bo 
Cuailnge and other tales of the Ultonian heroic cycle, the 
Druid Cathbad bears the same relation to the king Conchobur 


as Broichan does to Brude. Conchobur is Cathbad's dalta 
or foster-son. Cathbad sits in the place of honour by the 
king's shoulder. In the event of extraordinary or ominous 
happenings, he is consulted and interprets. Further, it is 
the rule that in council the king does not speak before the 
three chief Druids. Cathbad, the chief Druid, is head of a 
school. ' A hundred active men were with him, learning 
magic from him. That is the number that Cathbad used to 
teach.' This is quite in the manner of the Gaulish Druids. 
One of the pupils asked of him for what this day should be 
good. Cathbad said that a warrior should take arms therein 
whose name should be over Ireland for ever for deed of 
valour, and whose fame should continue for ever. Cuchul- 
lin, then seven years of age, heard this and came to Conchobar 
to ask for arms, and got his wish. Then Cathbad, on com- 
ing to know of this, said to Conchobar, ' That is not lucky 
for his mother's son ' ; and went on, ' it is certain that he will 
be famous and renowned who takes arms on this day ; but he 
will be short-hved only.' Then said Cuchullin, ' Provided 
I be famous, I am content though I were but one day in the 
world.' In the tale of the Sons of Usnach, Cathbad fore- 
tells that the wife of Fedlimid the steward will have a 
daughter through whom the greatest harm will come to 
Ulster. One of the most famous Druids was Mogh Ruith 
of Munster, who was contemporary with Cormac mac Airt 
in the third century. On one occasion Cormac invaded 
Munster, and consulted his Druids, specialists from Alba, 
as to the best plan of campaign. They replied that the 
surest and speediest way of reducing the Munster men was 
to dry up aU the wells and streams, which they did by spells 
and incantations. The King of Mimster's Druids being 
helpless against them, word was sent for Mogh Ruith, who 
lived in a small island (now Valencia) oJBE the west coast of 
Kerry, who came and relieved the need of the men of 
Munster, and thereafter by an extraordinary display of 
science completely defeated Cormac's Druids in a contest 
of fires, and finally by blowing a Druidic breath on them 



turned them to stone. For these services he received a 
grant of the land which now forms the district of 
Fermoy in Cork. In the historical tale of the expulsion 
of the Deisi from Meath, a prominent part is played 
by Dill, the blind Druid of the men of Ossory, whose 
formidable ability is outwitted by Ethne the Decian 
princess fosterling, and the Decian Druids, who are his 
own dalta. 

For our purpose it is unnecessary to cite further details. 
From what has been said it appears what sort of position 
was held by the Druids. We see them above all as instruc- 
tors and advisers of the kings — the king of the Picts, the 
high king of Ireland, the king of Ulster, the king of Munster, 
and of the tribes of Ossory and the Deisi. They are pro- 
ficient in the ' science ' of the time, which consists in a 
mastery over the unseen world. Thus they can control the 
elements, and they can see into the future. They are the 
bulwarks of their tribe or kingdom in war. There is evi- 
dence that there were schools to which intending Druids 
resorted. Undoubtedly they were munificently rewarded 
for their services. In all this there are, it may be remarked 
in passing, strong points of resemblance with the accounts 
we have of the Druids of Gaul. It has been freely said that 
there is no evidence that the insular Druids possessed a 
regular organisation, but while we may admit that there is 
little direct evidence, I imagine that there is strong pre- 
sumptive evidence that the Irish and Scottish Druids formed 
an organised corporation, admission to which depended, 
among other things, on a course of training. It would 
appear that every political entity from the little sept up to 
the kingdom had its official Druids, who to a very large 
extent determined matters of policy. As regards the indi- 
vidual tribesman, there must have been numerous occasions 
when he also had recourse to the Druid, not, we may take it, 

When, therefore, the early clerics attacked the Druids, 
and sought to discredit them by every means in their power. 


they knew well what they were doing. The power of the 
Druids was the key to the whole position, and what the 
clerics attempted and achieved was nothing less than to 
step into the shoes of the Druids, to occupy the position 
from which the letter had been dislodged. We have seen 
the first stages of this process exemplified in the case of St. 
Patrick and St. Columba. The next stage is that the cleric 
supplants the Druid as the king's chief adviser under the 
title of anmchara, soul-friend. The struggle between Druids 
and clerics must have been extremely bitter, and it was 
apparently short. The two could not co-exist together, 
and it seems that Druidism as an organisation became 
extinct in a short time. It is instructive to note that the 
early Church in all probability marked down the Ogham 
script as distinctively Druidic and pagan, and did their 
utmost to arrest its progress. Professor John MacNeill 
points out that practically all the personages commemorated 
by the Ogham inscribed stones are pagans. Professor 
Macalister observes that in one half of the Kerry Oghams 
the term following on mucoi has been effaced. Professor 
MacNeill acutely suggests the reason of this effacement, 
which was deliberate, to have been that the term following 
mucoi is the eponymous ancestor, who was frequently a 
mythic divinity. The distribution of the Oghams shows, as 
Professor MacNeill points out, an arrested development, and 
the arresting causes in his opinion were the rise and spread 
of Christianity, and the concomitant spread of Latin learn- 
ing and the Latm alphabet. In Scotland we have the 
curious phenomenon that so far as known all our Ogham 
inscribed stones belong to the east with the solitary excep- 
tion of one in the island of Gigha off the west coast of 
Kintyre. This suggests pagan influence from Ireland on 
our east coast during the period of Ogham activity, i,e, 
about 400 A.D., while the fewness of our Ogham inscrip- 
tions suggests farther that here also the Ogham cult was 
arrested. It is no doubt owing to this well-founded hatred 
of everything relating to Druidism that so little definite 

VOL. X. s 



has been preserved as to the beliefs of the Druids and their 
relations to the gods. 

The conflict with Druidism has, I believe, influenced and 
coloured the account of the miracles ascribed to St. Columba, 
and to other early saints. We know that saintly miracles 
are often copies of the miracles recorded in Scripture ; 
the source of their inspiration is obvious. Now the 
miracles ascribed to Columba are most of them decidedly 
not of this class. Take, for instance, the stake which he 
presented to a poor man in Lochaber, and which had the 
miraculous property wherever it was set of impaling wild 
animals. This is q^te Druidic, reminding one of the 
prophecy about Cuchullin's spear, that it would kill a king 
unless it were given when demanded. It was Columba's 
business to outdo the Druids on their own ground : the sort 
of miracle demanded of him was the sort of miracle which 
the Druids, in the estimation of the people, could alone 
perform. If the Druids had power over the elements, still 
more had Columba. He could sail against a contrary wind, 
and turn it into a favourable one. Storms at sea aba;te at 
his prayer. Water will not wet a book written by his hand, 
even a fire had no power over St. Patrick's chasuble. A 
lump of salt blessed by Columba is uninjured though the 
house in which it was is burned down ; nor did the fire 
venture to touch the two uprights from which the lump of 
salt was suspended. He is also a prophet and a clair- 
voyant. The fili, indeed, had his pagan imbusforosnai, know- 
ledge that enlightens, or discovers everything that he wishes 
to manifest. ' He chews a bit of the red flesh of a pig or a 
hound or a cat, and puts it on a flat stone behind the door- 
valve, and sings an incantation upon it, and offers it to idol 
gods and calls them to him, and leaves them not on the 
morrow ; and chants then over his two palms and calls 
idol gods to him that they should not disturb his sleep, and 
puts his two palms round his two cheeks and falls asleep. 
. . . Patrick aboHshed that, and the teinm-ldida, and he 
bore witness that whosoever should perform them should 


neither be of heaven or of earth, for it is a denial of baptism.' 
Of Columba his biographer says that among his miracles 
was his foretelling the future by the spirit of prophecy, and 
making known to those who were present what was happen- 
ing in other places. Nay, by some divine intuition and 
through a wonderful expansion of his inner soul, he beheld 
the whole universe drawn together and laid open to his 
sight, as in one ray of the sun. 

As to Columba' s influence in securing victory in battle, 
we may take his appearance in vision to King Oswald 
before his fight with Cation, king of the Britons, with the 
assurance that Oswald would be the conqueror. 

It would take too long to consider Columba' s miracles 
in detail from this point of view, but I think there is some- 
thing to be said for it. The point was to convince rulers 
and people that anything whatever possible to a Druid by 
means of his magic science could be done and outdone by 
the man who believed in Christ and acted in His name. 
We are perhaps better able now to understand the full 
force of the sentiment in the Old Irish hymn ascribed to 

Columba : — 

is e mo driii Crist mac De. 

He who believes in Christ has no need of resorting to a 
Druid to buy his protection by means of spell or charm. 
The power of Christ working for him is effectual when His 
name is invoked to put evil spirits to flight and secure all 
other good things. ' Christ is my illuminator, my prophet, 
my guide, and my instructor.' 

This point of view was likely to appeal to the people 
practically, and it did so. The Church, however, exacted, 
or at any rate received, a fee or present at baptism. Thus 
in Agallamh nan Senorach, when the hero Cailte, who has 
been converted by Patrick, has been baptized with his 
nine comrades, Cailte gives Patrick a ridgy mass of gold 
in which were three times fifty ounces, as a fee for the 
baptism of himself and the nine. This was, of course, on a 
heroic scale, but exemplary. 



It would be interesting to know to what extent the 
Church became heir not only to the influence of the pagan 
Druids, but to the patrimony of the pagan institutions. 
That, however, is a matter on which there seems to be little 
direct information available. We know, indeed, that the 
Celtic Church was tribal, and that the Church received 
grants of land among the tribe from the king, but, so far as 
known to me, we cannot ascertain to whom the land so 
gifted belonged previously. There is one term of much 
interest in this connection. The ancient Gauls had places 
set apart for tribal and intertribal meetings similar to the 
Norse thing, Caesar tells that the Druids of Gaul, at a 
fixed time of the year, hold a session at a consecrated place 
in the territories of the Carnutes, which is reckoned the 
central part of Gaul. Here assemble all those who have 
disputes, and they obey the decision and sentences of the 
Druids. We know from other sources that these sacred 
meeting-places were called nemeta, a term which appears 
in Old Irish as nemed, and with us to-day neimhidh. In 
Scotland this term is not uncommon, occurring at wide 
intervals from Sutherland to the Forth and Clyde, but only 
on the east side of the country with one exception — Ros- 
neimhidh. Point of the Nemed, Englished Roseneath. 
There is one in Sutherland, two in Ross, one in Banff, one in 
Aberdeenshire (Deeside), one in Forfar, Perth, and Fife 
respectively. One of the two Ross-shire instances is above 
Cromarty, and according to a firm and active Cromarty 
tradition, the final judgment is to take place on that moor. 
We should like to know if there are traditions of this sort 
connected with the other places. All the places named 
Navie or Navity are known to have been Church property. 
The question is, were they pagan places of judgment taken 
over by the Church when official paganism was replaced by 
Christianity ? My own opinion is that they were, and that 
from their distribution they were tribal places of meeting. 

While the Church was in the early stages exceedingly 
bitter against the external rites of paganism, which implied 


lomage to heathen divinities, it did little or nothing to up- 
root the popular belief in the existence of such beings. 
More has been done, I believe, in the Highlands of Scotland 
within the last fifty years to destroy those ancient, perhaps 
even pre-Celtic beliefs, than was done from the time of 
Columba to 1843. The home of superstition now is not the 
Highlands, but the great cities. The Churchmen them- 
selves had little difficulty in adopting or adapting a pagan 
custom, and no wonder. One or two examples must suffice. 
The rhythmical Druidic incantation or prayer for safety 
and preservation is exactly reflected in St. Patrick's famous 
hymn called The Deer's Cry, in virtue of which he and his train 
were changed, to all appearance, into deer, and so escaped 
their foes. The structure (but not the wording) of the 
hymn is pagan, its purpose is pagan, and its result is pagan. 
Again, in pagan Ireland one of the ways by which distress 
was put on a debtor to compel him to pay was by fasting at 
his door. When the creditor did this, the debtor was 
obliged also to fast and to keep to his house, the sanction 
of the usage being the death of one or other. In pagan 
times, men are mentioned as fasting on the Tuatha De 
Danann for luck of bounds and land, and to win great 
riches from them. In Christian times, men fast on God with 
the view of obtaining a boon. This is pure paganism. 
Once more, among the pagan methods of divination was 
one which has always appeared to me as very natural and 
striking. This was called fios tuinne, or wave knowledge. 
' Nede, son of the chief OUamh of Ireland, went to Scotland, 
to Eochu Echbel in Kintyre, to learn science from him. One 
day the lad fared forth till he was on the brink of the sea, 
for the poets deemed that on the brink of water it was 
always a place of revelation of science. He heard a sound 
in the wave, a chant of waiUng and sadness, and it seemed 
strange to him. So the lad cast a spell upon the wave that 
it might reveal to him what the matter was. And then it 
was declared to him that the wave was bewailing his father 
Adnae, after his death.' In the tale of Cano mac Gartnain 



from Skye, it is related that one day when Cano was at sea, 
becoming aware of somewhat, he made wave-omen, i,e, 
wave knowledge, and he saw a crimson red wave coming 
to him as he sat in his curach, even the blood of lUann, his 
chief friend in Ireland. With these instances, which are 
pagan, compare this. One day Colum* Cille and Cainnech 
were on the seashore. There was a great storm on the sea. 
Cainnech said, ' What sings the wave ? ' ' Thy people,' 
said Colum Cille, ' that were in danger a while ago on the 
sea so that one of them died, and the Lord will bring him to 
us in the morning to-morrow, to this shore, on which we are,' 
This is not from Adamnan, but from the Old Irish life of 
Colum Cille, which supplied Adamnan with much of his 
material. It is instructive that he has rejected this. 

But while the Celtic Church did little to repress super- 
stitions, which indeed its own members shared, there is 
abundant evidence that it did good work in humanising the 
barbarous heathen customs which it found in practice. 
The saint's presence, or, in his absence, his cloak or his staff 
were all real protections against violence, and the church 
precincts formed an inviolable sanctuary. The most im- 
portant service rendered to Gaelic society was by Adamnan, 
ninth Abbot of Hy, at the famous Convention or synod held 
at Tara in 697 a,d,, when in the laconic words of the Annals : 
Adamnan dedit legem innocentium populis. This law, which 
was really the joint production of a large and influential 
assembly, is called in Gaelic Cain Adamnan, Adamnan's 
law, and it is an enactment prohibiting the use of ^women 
in war and hostings. Pitiful indeed is the account given 
by the Old Irish treatise on this law of the conditions of 
women before its enactment. 

' The work which the best of women had to do was to 
go to battle and battlefield, encoimter and camping, fighting 
and hosting, wounding and slajring. On one side of her 
she would carry her bag of provisions, on the other her babe. 
Her wooden pole upon her back, and it had at one end an iron 
hook, which she would thrust into the tress of some woman 


in the opposite battalion. Her husband behind her, carry- 
ing a fence stake in his hand and flogging her on to battle. 
Adanman's mother chanced on a day to come upon a battle- 
field. Such was the thickness of the slaughter into which 
they came that the soles of the women would touch the 
neck of another. Though they beheld the battlefield, they 
saw nothing more touching or pitiful than the head of a 
woman in one place and the body in another, and her little 
babe upon the breasts of the corpse, a stream of milk upon 
one of its cheeks and a stream of blood upon the other.' So, 
says the narrative, Adamnan's mother gave him no rest till 
he had secured the emancipation of women. Securities and 
bonds were given : Sun and moon and all the elements of 
God, Peter, Paul, Andrew, and the other apostles ; Gregory, 
the two Ciarans, the two Cronans, etc. (we may note in 
passing that in the third century Conn Cedcathach's sureties 
to Fionn are the provincial kings and the Druid Cithruadh 
with his Druids). The law was attested by forty-one clerics, 
including the Bishop of Rosmarkie, and fifty kings, the last 
mentioned of whom is Bruide mac Derilei, king of the Picts. 
The clerics' names come first. It was the charter of women, 
not only as regards warfare, but in other matters. There 
are not wanting proofs that the Celtic Church did a great 
work in raising the standard of moraHty and the sanctity 
of the family. It was none too soon that Scotland and 
Ireland came imder its influence. The Druidical system 
had degenerated into black magic which sought to impose 
the will of the magician on the gods or demons, and there- 
fore had no germ in it of real religion. For that heathen 
conception the Celtic Church substituted on the whole 
the idea of true religion, namely to please God by doing 
things that are agreeable to Him, and so grow like unto 

[Much material relating to this subject is collected in 
the Introduction to the Rev. C. Plummer's Latin 
Lives of the Irish Saints,] W. J. W. 




The Place-Names of England and Wales. By the Rev. James B. Johnston, 
M.A., B.D. London : John Murray, 1915. (532 pp., 15*. net.) 

This handsome volume begins with an Introduction of 83 pp., treating 
of the various linguistic elements encountered. Thereafter the individual 
names, to the number of about 5000, are dealt with in alphabetical order. 
As data for interpretation the oldest written forms of the names are 
supplied, and in addition the Welsh forms of some of the Welsh names are 
given. The author has devoted much time and labour to the work, and, 
whether we agree with his interpretation or not, we must admit that he 
has gone a considerable way to supplying the data on which any interpre- 
tation must be based. A good deal of scholarly and reliable work has 
already been done in connection with the Teutonic element, and though 
unfortunately there is no book that deals in a scientific way with the names 
of Wales, the subject has attracted the attention incidentally of some of the 
most capable Welsh scholars. Mr. Johnston had, therefore, a solid nucleus 
to start with, around which he has grouped the results of his own investi- 
gations over a period of twenty years. The work as a whole is of undoubted 
value. It furnishes a conspectus of the subject and an epitome of data 
which all investigators are bound to take into account, and for which the 
author ought to, and will, receive well-deserved thanks. Mr. Johnston 
deprecates censure for what he has left undone ; but he has done so much 
that there should be little risk of such censure. He admits the possibility 
of a good many mistakes : one may say that in a work of this nature they 
are inevitable. They would, however, have been fewer, in the Celtic section 
at any rate, had the author been more deeply versed in the Celtic tongues 
and their difficult philology. We must, however, take Mr. Johnston as we 
find him : he has carried through a task of uncommon severity, which no 
one else has attempted, and by so doing has done his best, and not without 
success, to advance the study of his subject. The remarks that follow will 
deal only with the Celtic part of the book. 

The author justly points out that in England proper, apart from Corn- 
wall and Monmouth, the remains of the old British language, in use all 
over till the arrival of the Teutonic invaders in the fifth century, are at the 
present day surprisingly small. The provisional list which he gives 
contains just about 400 names. An additional list gives 20 names which 
in Mr. Johnston's opinion may be pre-Celtic. The first Celtic settlers in 
Britain are often asserted to have been of the Gadelic branch, but, as Mr. 
Johnston points out, there is practically no proof of this. The Ogham 
inscriptions of Wales and the Cornish peninsula belong undoubtedly to the 
later part of the Roman occupation, and it is much easier to ascribe them 
to the known Irish settlements of the early centuries of the Christian era 
in Wales, etc., than to a Gaelic-speaking community representing a contin- 


U0U8 tradition from 600 or 800 B.C. Mr. Johnston has looked without 
much result for Gaelic names. It is improbable that any such exist except 
in the very north, where there is good reason to believe Gaelic was spoken 
to some considerable extent in the eleventh century, and this is practically 
his conclusion. The Celtic element in English place-names, such as it is, is 
Brettonic not Gadelic. The following notes on the Celtic names are far 
from exhaustive. 

P. 2. Ard Echdi is not 'height of the horse,' but of Echde, better 
known as Eochu Echb^l (Horse-lipped Eochu), a famous exponent of the 
science of his time, who lived in Kintyre. 

P. 5. * Skeat will not admit Speen to be Lat. Spinae.' The occurrence of 
Spynie (thrice) and Spean in Scotland suggests the possibility of Celtic origin. 

P. 10. * Cumhann or comhann with the mh mute, through " eclipse " as it 
is called.' This is aspiration, not eclipsis. Comhann is not a by-form of 
cumhann, narrow; and if Glencoin in Cumberland and Glencune in 
Northumberland are regarded as from cumhann, they should not in that 
case be equated with Gleann Comhann, Glencoe. 

P. 11. * Axe, Esk, Exe, Usk ... is the old Celtic uisc, the G. uisge, as 
in . . . usquebaugh.' The name Usk, in Welsh Wysg, is obscure. The 
Eomans, as Mr. Johnston notes, spelt both Exe and Usk, Isca, which is 
doubtless the old form of Esk also, but Isca is certainly in Gaelic easg, not 
uisge. The Gaelic form of our Scottish Esks is still in use, viz. Uisge Easg. 
Whitley Stokes equated Esk and Isca rightly with 0. Ir. esc. He also 
regarded it as Pictish, in the sense that Pictish was practically Old British. 

P. 12. 'Deva means river': Deva means goddess. * Dove and Dovey 
or Dyfi are both forms of W. dwfr or dtor, O. W. dubr.' This is impossible, 
in the light either of modern or ancient forms. 

' dwfr is also seen as forming part of Adder, Derwent, Darwen, Kie^er.' 
Derwent is based on *derva, oak ; W. derw, oak ; derwen, oak-tree. Darwen 
is from the same root. 

' G. allt, a burn ' : this is the meaning in modern Gaelic, but in Scottish 
place-names allt regularly means a height, precipice. Eev. C. M. Kobertson 
informs me that in Jura allt is still used in common speech in the old sense. 

' Welsh gwy, a river, probably seen in the Sutherland uidh.' Suth. uidh 
primarily means the slow-moving water between two lochs; a water-isthmus; 
from 0. Norse, etS, isthmus. It is better spelled aoidh. 

P. 16. *G. cille . . . means graveyard before it means church': the 
primary meaning of cill is cell ; then, church ; the meaning of graveyard is 
comparatively late. 

P. 60. * dun means first a hill, and then the fort which so often crowned 
the hill ' : the truth is the other way about. 

P. 68. ' Clyne, G. claon, a meadow.' The parish of Clyne, Sutherland, 
is in G. Sgire chVin, where cl\n is dialectic locative of clacm, a slope; a 
meadow is cluain. 

P. 69. ' Dr. W. J. Watson takes the ending of Rosemarkie to be G. 


marcnaidh.' I do not 'take the ending to be marcnaidh' : I report that 
Gaelic-speakers always say Eos-marcjiaidh or Bos-maircnidh, and on this base 
my interpretation. 

P. 73. * Avon . . . parallel form Aman, just as we have in Scotland 
both abhuinn and amhuinn, the later seen in such a Scottish name as 
Cramond, originally Caer Amond.' The spelling amhuinn is modern and 
has no historical justification. Aman is decidedly not a parallel form of 
Avon, the proto-Celtic form of which would be *Abdna, while that of Aman 
would be *Ambdnd. 

P. 74. *The native Welsh name of Severn is Hafren, which the 
Romans turned into Sabrina.' It is not at all impossible, but on the 
contrary probable, that the original s, represented by h of Hafren, was 
sounded in Roman times. The name can hardly be separated from Irish 
Sabhrann in Cork, now R. Lee. Sabrina shows the -in- ending common in 
Celtic ; Sabhrann suggests a primitive *Sabrdnd. * A common river ending 
is -on, which means nothing but stream, as in Aeron.' This is the ending 
seen in Gaulish Matrona, Divona. It is common in Scotland. 'Garumna, 
where the -umna is clearly the G. amhuinn and L. amnis ' : amhuinn is a 
ghost-word (see above). The standard spelling of Garumna is Garunna, 
probably from root gar^ cry. Its nearest Scottish equivalent is the Goirneag, 
'the little crier,' of Glen Girnag in Perthshire. The equation of Tawe, 
Thames, Thame, is very doubtful. Thames, Tamesis, is probably from root 
tarn, dark, seen in O. Ir. temel ; Welsh tywyll ; Scottish Teimheil, Tummel. 

P. 76. ' The Scottish Celt rarely puts either himself or any other 
human being into his place-names.' This needs qualification in respect of 
saints' names, which are very numerous on Celtic ground in Scotland. 
Consider also such names as Ferindonald (twice), Inchrory (common); 
Dunvegan, Dunrobin, Dundonald, Machair Aonghais (Angus), etc. etc., and 
the numerous names connected with heroes — e.g. Arthur, Fionn, Diarmid, etc. 

P. 94. 'Aeron R., possibly fr. Agriona; Kelt, goddess of war; 
W. aeVj battle. W. air is bright, clear, whilst -on is contraction of afon, 
river.' The two suggestions here are mutually contradictory. The former 
is, we believe, by Sir E. Anwyl, and deserves the utmost respect. The 
history of the language shows the ending -on to represent early -ondy which 
of course is not a contraction of afon<Abdnd. 

P. 181. 'Caerwent (Chepstow) c. 180, Venta Silurum; -went may be 
W. gwant, a butt, a mark ' ; (g)went is the Welsh form of venta, Celto-Latin 
for market-place; cf. Spanish venta, a hostel. The 'market' is echoed in 

P. 184. 'Cannock Chase . . . must be that rarity a Goidelic place- 
name, G. and Ir. cnoc, a hill.' It would be easy to think of a non-Gaelic 
origin equally suitable to the case. 

P. 185. 'Canterbury ... in Roman times called Durovernum (W. (it(;r 
gwern), river with the alders.' This would have been in Roman times 
Dubrorernum. Durovernum means ' alder fort.' 



P. 186. Cardurnock, 'fort by the pebbly place.' G. dhnag^ means a 
rounded pebble; a pebbly place is dbrnach, as explained in P.-N. of R. 
and C. 

P. 188. 'Carter Fell . . . contr. fr. G. ceartachair, a regulator, an 
adjuster, fit name for a lofty hill. Probably also the origin of Dhu Hear- 
tach lighthouse, Colonsay.' An Dubh Hiortach means ' the black deadly 
one,' from hirt. i. has. The suggested derivation of Carter has more of 
fancy than of fitness. 

P. 195. 'Chepstow, in W. Casgwent'; gwent is the Welsh form of 
venta, a market-place. 

P. 198. * Chevet, Cheviot ; possibly G. c(h)iahach^ bushy place; fr. ciahh, 
hair'; ciahh^ a lock of hair, does not occur in names of places; the adj. 
ciabhach — there is no such noun — in the sense of ' bushy ' is confined to hair. 

P. 207. ' Clwyd, W. clwyd, warm ; cf. Clyde.' The equation of Clwyd 
and Cluaidh (Clyde), early Clota, is impossible. The former is from a root 
Mei-j which would appear in Gaelic as clia-, just as letos (for leitos), gray, is 
in Welsh llwyd, and in Gaelic liath. Clyde, on the other hand, early Clota 
for Clouta, becomes in Gaelic Cluaidh, and in O. Welsh Clud (Clut), just as 
bod-, houd- of Boud-icca, becomes in Gaelic buaidh, and in Welsh budd. The 
river Clydach is in Welsh Cleudach, and is different from Clwyd. 

P. 214. 'Corbridge, c. 380 Ant. Itin. Corstopitum, probably G. corr 
stobach, ' hill spur full of stumps ' : stob is a loan from English stob, stab, and 
is, of course, impossible in a British name of 380 A.D. 

P. 235. ' Dove, etc., O. W. dubr ' : phonetically impossible. * Duignan 
thinks Dove the "diving" river; O. E. dufanJ Consider, however, the 
Inverness-shire Doe (twice), G. Dobha. 

P. 240. * Durdans,' etc. ' Oxf . Diet, durdan, a var. of dirdum, uproar, 
tumult. A Sc. and North, dial, word ' : with dirdum compare Ir. deardan, 
an uproar, tumult, which seems to be the same word. If so, the borrowing 
is by Scots. Mr. Johnston equates Durdans with Dordnhoes of Dom. 

Ibid. ' Durham . . . Dunelm is orig. Kelt, dun ealm, hill of the elms, an 
early loan word ': elm is in early Celtic lemos; G. leamh; Welsh llwyfn requires 
a root leim-. I know of no proof that elm was borrowed into Celtic. 

P. 314. 'Humber . . . prob. aspirated form of cumber, confluence.' 
Bede's Humbra puts this completely out of the question. Mr. Johnston 
here as elsewhere does not distinguish between what is possible and what is 

P. 416. ' Kibble R. . . . Ptolemy Belisama, "most warlike one." The 
Beli- is, of course, the same root as L. helium, war.' But L. helium is 
fr. duellum, fr. duo, two. Is Celtic supposed to have developed a word for 
war on exactly similar lines, while all the time it possessed a good word of 
its own, viz. catos, Gael, cath, Welsh cad % Belisama may mean ' the 
slayer,' but the scholars who so explain it have in view the root guel, 
English quell, meaning (1) light, burn, (2) destroy. Cf. the ^ibhleag near 
Dornoch, whence Evelix. 


P. 512. 'Winchester, Ptolemy Venta ... in W. Caer Gwent^ fort, 
castle on the plain, clearing or open country.' Here again gwent is the 
Welsh form of Venta, a market-place. 

P. 325. 'Kent, 55 B.C., Cantium. . . . Cf. W. gwyn^ gwen [white]. 
Possibly it means headland; cf. G. ceann^ head, and Gabrosenti, O. Kelt, 
form of Gateshead.' In 55 B.C. the modern Welsh gwyn would have 
appeared as vindoSy so that any connection between Cantium and W. gwyn 
is out of the question. Gaelic ceann is equally impossible, unless the author 
is prepared to claim a Gaelic element in the south of England ; even then 
the vowel of Cant- would require to be «, and what of the t ? Mr. Johnston 
appears to think that in Gabrosenti the latter part senti means 'head.' 

So far as the Celtic names are concerned, the value of Mr. Johnston's 
book consists in the lists themselves, the old forms, and the occasional 
derivations (e.g. of Aeron) by Celtic scholars ; except in the case of straight- 
forward names, which bear their meaning on the surface, the author's 
philological equipment in Celtic is inadequate. The above criticism of 
course affects only a small part of the whole work, the great bulk of which 
is devoted to the explanation of names of Teutonic origin. W. J. W. 


Svold: A N(yrse Sea Battle. By S. F. B. Lane. London: David Nutt. 

2s. M. net. 

The story is told in blank verse which is unaffected and runs smoothly, 
and is not pitched on a level too high for the poet. In the clamour of battle 
Mr. Lane is at his best : — 

Ever the uproar sounded in their ears, 
The staggering feet, the shouts of striving men, 
The rush of arrows and the grinding swords. 
And the wild crash of axe on splintering shield. 

This battle was fought between Olaf Tryggvason, King of Norway, and 
the combined fleets of King Svein of Denmark, King Olaf of Sweden, and 
Earl Eric. Olaf fell and all his ships were annihilated. Mr. Lane's notes 
are at once scholarly and exhaustive, and reveal him as a close student of 
Scandinavian literature and antiquities. 

England Overseas. By Lloyd Roberts. London : Elkin Mathews. 2s. M. net. 

Mr. Roberts is one of those English poets who show traces of the 
influence of contemporary Celtic verse. There are also echoes of Kipling, 
who is half Celtic, for his mother was a MacDonald from Skye. As most of 
England's patriotic poems have been written by Scotsmen, like Campbell and 

NOTES 285 

■ Thomson and the half Scots Kipling, it is refreshing to find an Englishman 
(with, however, a Welsh name) singing so heartily : — 

England's cliffs are white like milk, 

But England's fields are green ; 
The grey fogs creep across the moors, 

But warm suns stand between. 
And not so far from London town, beyond the brimming street, 

A thousand little summer winds are singing in the wheat. 

D. A. M. 


Note on newly-found Tain Place-Names. — Some old parchments collected 
by the late Harry M. Taylor, once Town Clerk of Tain, and then Sheriff- 
Substitute, and which on his death passed to the late Dr. Taylor Innes, 
having been sent to me here to be read, the first taken proves to be of 
some interest. It is a Latin charter of 1577, and recites that Thomas 
Ratray, indweller (convicinus) of the town of Tain, grants to Alexander 
M'Finlay Duf lands, with buildings, viz. the west half of a croft called 
Croft Neganich, of old belonging to John M'Ean Orangich, extending to three 
or four acres (ad seminaturam sex firlotarum Iwi'dei) lying in the north part of 
the burgh, having the mound {montem) called the Angel Hill on the east, 
the common way that leads to Plaids on the west, the ' Laik ' on the north, 
and the common way that leads to the Chapel (sasellum, evidently for 
sacellum) of the Blessed Duthac on the south. Also half of a croft called Croft 
called Clasthena Vorik, extending to about an acre or more (quinque peckis 
sive majore), having the lands of the Chaplain of the Blessed Duthac on the 
east, the mound called Angel Hill on the west, the burn {tcurentem seu lie 
Laik) or Laik on the north ; also half share of three cottages, etc. Reddendo to 
the clergy of the Blessed Duthac the usual yearly rent. Witnesses, Andrew 
Ross and John Reid, burghers ; Donald Reid, John Moir M'Kessack and 
Donald Davidson, officer. Of above names, Neganich is a phonetic spelling 
of na gainmhich, 'of the sand,' i.e. 'Sand-croft.' Clasthena Vorik is Clais 
nam moraich, 'Hollow of the fishers,' or Claisean a' mhoraich, 'Little hollow 
of the fisher,' both according to Professor Watson. The Angel Hill — the 
origin or reason of which name is unknown — was cut away when the railway 
was formed, and was close to the bridge which preserves the name. The 
first croft, to west of it, would cover the present railway station and yard 
site and the adjacent part of the Links, which ground exactly answers the 
description of ' sandy.' The other croft to east of it lay at the mouth of a 
trout stream, and a place where small fishing boats could easily be sheltered 
or drawn up was a most likely place for the abode of a fisher or fishers. 
North of both was ' the burn or laik.' This is temptingly like the English 
' lake,' and at the height of the tide there is — now, at any rate — an expansion 
a little above. But within living memory the 'way to Plaids' was still 


over stepping-stones a little below the present suspension bridge, which, of 
course, could not be used at high water. The Gaelic for a flat stone is leac^ 
and the strong plural would give just about the sound of laik This place- 
name has not as yet been found in any other charter, and meantime the 
latter derivation is the likelier, especially since it is not easy to see why the 
English form lake^ and not the Scottish loch, should have been used if 
the expanded sheet of water was intended. The reddendo, like those of other 
contemporary charters, shows us that the priests of the collegiate church 
still held the church property seventeen years after the Keformation. The 
boundary given on the east shows also that the lands now at Kirksheaf 
belonged to the chaplain of the Blessed Duthac. Finlay Ken, chaplain of 
the Blessed Duthac, occurs as a witness in the vicar's charter of 1486, but 
neither he nor his chaplaincy is included in the staff" and revenues of the 
collegiate church on its constitution by the bishop's letter of 1487, so that 
chaplain and lands were independent of that church. In 1512 James IV. 
gives money separately to the church and the chapel of St. Duthus, so they 
were separate places of pilgrimage. Whether the chapel held any relic of 
the saint there is no record, but it was the provost of the church who in 
1560 deposited the relics at Balnagown Castle. Last, we may note the Gaelic 
nickname (in original sense of ekename) of the old Crofter — Orangich, the 
Singer. Many others occur in old Tain charters, such as Bragoch, Mul- 
donycht, Rossich, Skianach — Gaelic was the current language. 

W. Macgill, Tain. 

The Adventures of L^ithin. — Since printing 'Eachtra L^ithin'^ I dis- 
covered another MS. in Trinity College, Dublin, which I had overlooked. 
It is to be found at p. 695 of H. 4. 15., and was written by one Stiabhna 
Righis in 1728, but he does not say from whence he copied it. It is 
obviously derived from a different source from that of the MSS. I used, but 
there is no vital difference between them. The only matters of importance 
are as follow: p. 132, Soininn is spelt more correctly Sionnin, but the 
words *agus Cros na Macaomh air Slighe Cluana' are omitted. In the 
cleric's lay, 1. 2, 'co' is 'gan,' 1. 3, 'siid' is correctly 'sain,' 1. 5, 'dhealbh' 
correctly for ' dhealbuidh,' 1. 6, 'as' and 'do,' correctly omitted as is 'do' in 
next line. They spoil the metre. The poem contains the following lines : — 

A cleirigh an ccluine an guthia binne na gach aonghuth. 

Guth an chluig adchluinim-se • a ndruim Diobraid os an linn. Guth an chluig 
adchluinim-se • Ni liom-sa nach binn. 

For 'dom breith' in the penultimate rann, it reads 'nim breith.' 
P. 134, 1. 24, the curious word ciiinldnach is given as ciiiUnach. 
In Dubhchosach's lay, rann 3, this MS. reads ' a dhaimh cheannaird ' for 
the corrupt ' cind ar chaoimh. The fourth senseless rami is omitted. 

* Celtic BevieWf June 1915. 

NOTES 287 

P. 136, 1. 18, my conjecture of *dhair' before 'moir' was nearly right, 
for MS. reads 6g-dharaigh. 

P. 137, 1. 7, my conjecture about Ferta for Sosda was also right. MS. 
has Seasda. 

In the White Blackbird's lay, rann 2, for * Sire Magh Life ' MS. reads 

* sire na galaise ' which I do not understand. The s is like an /. The black- 
bird speaks the following lines : — 

'Cuimhin Horn mic Mileadh go mbuaidh-do theacht go h-Eirinn fionn- 
fhuar. 'S gur gabhsad Eire gun fheall • Fir Bholg is Tuatha De Danann.' 

'A n-aon aimsir damh-sa mar sin • idir theas is thuaidh is toir • An 
aimsear do bhi Luighidh na lann • seal a righe na h-Eireann. 

*Ni bhfuaras ar muir na ar tir • Aithgin an laoi-si a Leithin • Ni 
bhfuaras oidhche mar sin • na maidion mar an maidin.' 

P. 138, 1. 16, for *nlor liaide a sg^ala sin,' MS. reads *nior ba lionmhuire 
do sgealuibh 4 sin.' 

P. 138, 1. 26, for 'aghaidh fhoghladh ' MS. reads *aghaidh fola,' which 
makes sense. 

The Salmon has the adjectives 'breac ballgheal' applied to it. The 
first two ranns of the Salmon's lay are partly transposed and MS. reads 
reimhidhe for rdmhaigh. 

P. 140, last line, the names of Noah's sons' wives are included after ' ban,' 
namely *011a,' 'Oillobha,' and * Oiliobhdna.' 

P. 141, 1. 6, for dithchealadh MS. reads dithchleith ; I. 9, for easbadh, it reads, 
as I had surmised, 'easbog' ; last line, for 'rinne,' MS. reads rinneadh. 

P. 142, 1. 2, after 'ar mo fhaicsin do,' MS. adds 'for san adhbhairt sin.' 
'The curious word * spreoighiocht ' is written ' sporuidheacht ' ; 1. 12, *adeir 
tusa' becomes 'deirighsi'; 1. 29, for 'Idmhach' MS. reads, no doubt correctly, 

P. 143, 1. 18, It agrees with the other MSS. in the apparently senseless 
reading * 'nd sin ' for * sin 'na,' which would make sense. The MS. adds after 

* reomhaind ' in the last line the following sentence, * gur sgriobhadh mar sin 
e agus gur leasuigheadh e ann sin, agus go ttugadh logha ar a n-innisin 
.i. an doinionn do thiirnamh r6 na linn, gonadh i sin Eachtra Leithin, go 
nuige sin.' Douglas Hyde. 

Elrick. — In vol. ix. p. 163, witll reference to Dr. A. MacBain's derivation 
of Elrick from eilear, a deer walk, I pointed out that in the Book of Deer we 
have ind elerc, the Elrick, a form which makes it clear that elerc cannot be a 
diminutive of eilear. As a matter of fact, though I had not observed it at 
the time, elerc is by metathesis from Old Irish erelc, an ambush : ba in fort- 
gidiu 7 ba hi temel dugnith Saul cona muntair inileda J erelcafri Duaid; Mil. 
Glosses 30*3 : * it was covertly and it was in darkness that Saul with hia 
people used to make snares and ambushes against David.' The correct 
spelling of the modern Gaelic is eileirg (not eileirig). W. J. W. 



There has been a most gratifying response to the appeal made by * An 
Comunn Gaedhealach ' for funds for a ward for Gaelic-speaking soldiers in 
Woodside Military Hospital, Glasgow, well over £1400 having been 
subscribed, whereas £500 was the sum asked for. 

A small committee has been formed in Edinburgh by the principal 
Scottish churches to collect funds to supply Gaelic literature to Gaelic-speak- 
ing soldiers and sailors. Subscriptions may be sent to the Very Rev. J. C. 
Russell, D.D., 9 Coates Gardens, the Rev. Malcolm Maclennan, D.D., 6 
Polwarth Terrace, or the Rev. Donald Maclean, M.A., 1 Rillbank Crescent, 

A committee has also been appointed by An Comunn Gaidhealach to 
collect money to supply Gaelic secular literature to Gaelic-speaking soldiers 
and sailors. These two committees are not in any way rivals, and there is 
room and work for both. Readers who wish to subscribe to this part of 
the work should send their subscriptions to the secretary of An Comunn 
Gaidhealach, 108 Hope Street, Glasgow. 

We would like to call attention again to the benefit which the Highlands 
and Islands derive from the sale of woollen goods in the dep6t of the 
Co-operative Council of Highland Home Industries at 132 George Street, 
Edinburgh, and those who purchase tweeds, socks, wool, etc., there, for 
soldiers confer a double benefit. The hardships of this winter will be much 
greater in the Highlands than were those of last winter, and there is the 
additional burden of the enormous losses sustained by the Highland 

An Comunn Gaidhealach has published Rosg Gaidhlig — Specimens of Gaelic 
Prose, edited and prepared, with notes, index of places, persons, loan words, 
introduction, etc., by Professor W. J. Watson, M.A., LL.D., and suitable 
for the use of candidates preparing for the Higher Leaving Certificate and 

It is good to know that Aberdeen is again making a push for a Celtic 
Lecturership in the University. 

Now that the Higher Certificate is settled there still remains the ques- 
tion of the position of Gaelic in the elementary schools, and this is a matter 
within the reach of the people of the Highlands themselves. School Boards 
have this part of the subject entirely in their own power, and the people 
have the School Boards in their power. 

The war is showing anew the use of a knowledge of Gaelic, which is 
appreciated by many of the superior officers of the Highland regiments. 
Lochiel, writing of a young captain of the Camerons, said, ' His Gaelic was 
of great value.' Another young officer of a diff'erent battalion of the 
Cameron Highlanders wrote on joining, ' About half a dozen of us speak 
Gaelic, the doctor included . . . When I was introduced to the colonel 
he said "Gaelic is as useful to us as a Maxim gun.'" 


JUNE 1916 


Rev. Donald Maclean 

A GOVERNMENT official (Bruce, the Engineer, Andrew Lang 
supposes) who visited the Highlands in 1749-50 says : ' In 
Lord Sutherland's lands live a small but fierce clan of the 
name of Gun. They are about 150 in number.' Private 
James Gunn of the 42nd Royal Highlanders was of that 
clan. He was born in Dornoch ' in Lord Sutherland's 
lands ' about 1780. The Black Watch, or as the Highlanders 
knew it. Am Freiceadan Duhh, or more commonly A^ Reisi- 
meid Dhuhh, had a particular glamour that made an irresis- 
tible appeal to the martial instincts of Highland lads. 
With its fortunes, its glory, and its prowess, during the 
great Peninsular War, the Ufe of Private James Gunn was 
identified. He received his discharge soon after Waterloo, 
with the Waterloo Medal and the Peninsular War Medal 
1793-1814, with seven clasps inscribed as follows : Coruiia, 
Salamanca, Pyrenees, Nivelle, Nive, Orthes, Toulouse. 
Of these he proudly writes that he did not require ' to be 
paid a franc a day for wearing them.' In his eightieth year 
the sturdy veteran sat down to commit to writing his ex- 
periences in the various campaigns of that eventful period. 
He wrote for his young grandson, and in his and his family's 
possession this precious heirloom has lain for nigh fifty 
years. The record shows, though not intentionally, in the 
very artlessness of its simplicity, its candour and sincerity, 
that Private James Gunn, like all his comrades, was a 
VOL, X, T 



brave, a gallant, and a chivalrous soldier, betraying no 
symptoms of the ferocity which the jaundiced eyes of the 
Government official observed in his clan. A military 
history of a war which has been the cynosure of the eyes 
of all strategists since, written from his own experiences by 
a private soldier, is a unique and valuable contribution, not 
so much perhaps in what it adds to the sum of our know- 
ledge of that eventful period, as in its viewpoint, and the 
evidence it affords by comparison and contrast with the 
tremendous happenings, the cruel barbarities, and the im- 
placable hatred of the present terrible war, the collapse of 
the proud theories of the upward progression of civihsation. 

Private James Gunn has a direct and forcible style. 
He does not suffer from poverty of expression, and even 
though his spelling shows a proneness to inconsistency, his 
literary effort reflects great credit on the school at Dornoch 
in these far-off days. 

He seems to be on fire with an intelligent and noble 
patriotism. This ' tidy little Island ' with all its ills he still 
loves fervently. For its ' freedom,' ' its liberty of con- 
science,' and other innumerable advantages, ' every mother's 
son in Britain should consider it an honour to shed his 
blood.' He has a lively sense of humour which, though not 
always refined, is seldom so coarse or even grim as to be 
repulsive. His satire is clever and effective without being 
mordant. From a man to whom ' soldiering was my hobby 
from my earliest boyhood,' no bitter complaints or pangs 
of remorse need be expected. To the perennial murmurs 
that British soldiers are not rewarded according to merit, 
he answers : ' I am proud to say that should it be attempted, 
we should be like Falstaff's army with 21 officers for every 
20 soldiers, but a great step has been taken in the right 
direction by the award of the Victoria Cross.' These were 
not the days of high feeding ; there was no question of 
financial loss in wastage in camps or in the field. Beef, 
biscuits, jams and luxuries were not aw^aiting the soldiers 
after fatiguing marches, the fording of flooded rivers, and 


victory in scenes of carnage. ' A handful of flour was 
handed out to us ' is a frequent refrain, which, in the absence 
of fires, could not be converted even into an Austrahan 
" damper." ' Though there was ground for grumbling, 
with a fine loyalty he exculpates authorities. ' I never 
complained but when the Commissariat was at fault, and 
that was not seldom. But they were excusable at times by 
our marching and counter marching. The worst of it was 
that no back rations for more than two days were paid out.' 
He has an inveterate prejudice against the ' Medical 
Officers ' and their medicines. ' I very much disliked 
Doctor's drugs. . . . They [doctors] are like our city 
policemen, never to be found when wanted.' At the camp 
at Quilla a severe epidemic of measles laid many of the 
brave soldiers low. ' If a soldier gets sick,' says he, ' on the 
eve of any extra duty, he is put down as none of the best 
stuff, the very idea of which made me conceal what ailed 
me, although I was very sick. But I had to appear before 
the Doctor.' With a surprising contempt for his serious 
condition, he playfully contrived to prove the physician's 
skiU. ' The Doctor asked me what I was complaining of. 
I said of course my bowels. I was to get medicine. " But, 
sir," said I, " my skin is all breaking out." " Let me see 
you." I opened my breast. " You young rascal," said 
he, " you are as full of the measles as you can be." ' His 
law for culpable ' contractors ' was Cromwell's logic for the 
Irish. ' For if I had a command, I would have some of 
these [contractors] shot for charging for what they never 
furnished.' Occasionally his facile pen glides into a moral- 
ising side-issue. He abruptly checks the transgressor 
with a reminder and a fling. ' What do you think of my 
preaching ? Will I stop ? Yes, and let them carry it on 
that 's paid for it.' Again he relegates preaching ' to them 
that 's paid for it,' and by adapting a quotation from his 
great hero, he naively suggests what many say openly. 
' But, as Wellington said of the Army, '* they are not all 
soldiers that wear a red coat," I say they are not all preachers 



that wear a black coat.' But let us hear the veteran at 
length. He opens with this splendid tribute of whole- 
hearted appreciation of the French : — 

' James, it is with pleasure I will endeavour to give you 
an account, from my knowledge of that protracted War 
with, now I hope, our Great Allies, the French. For I can 
assure you a more generous foeman never existed on the 
field of battle, or away from it. Be kind to a Frenchman 
in whatever way you may meet him. Believe me, he will 
not forget it. I speak and write from experience. Should 
it ever be your fate to face him in battle, expect him to 
perform his duty, defend himself, scorning to take a 
cowardly advantage of your inability to defend yourself. 
True, there are on record cruel acts committed by the French 
soldiers, but the cause or aggravation is not added. They 
were not all Frenchmen who were in the French service, 
nor were they all British that were in the British service. 
The French had mercenary foreigners and so had Britain.' 

His first experience of foreign service was at Gibraltar, 
where his regiment was stationed at the commencement 
of the Peninsular War. He speaks of the contests for the 
possession of the fort between the fleet of Britain and the 
combined fleets of Spain and France, the latter having each 
ship or jimk coated with cork so that the balls fired at them 
boimd off without effect. The ammunition of the garrison 
was getting short. ' I have been told by an artillery 
soldier the following story . One gunner was confined in 
the guard house. He told the sergeant of the guard he 
wished to speak to the officer of the guard. When he was 
brought before him, " Sir," said he, "I think if the balls 
could be made red hot they would set fire to these vessels." 
The suggestion was acted on and proved effectual.' His 
terse but ample description of Gibraltar is worth giving as 
an example of his alertness in picking out only what is 
essential. ' But I cannot leave the Bock without a parting 
glance. To me it appeared to be a wonderful place. On 
the Mediterranean side was a perpendicular height of about 


a mile. On the north side is a declivity, but where the 
town is built there is a narrow strip within the batteries, so 
that it was well termed impregnable by nature as well as 
by art.' Two classes of the numerous families of nations 
represented on the ' Rock ' he specially mentions. The 
Jew in his oriental dress and proverbial thirst for money 
was there ' selling anything or everything but pork or a 
Drummer's jacket.' ' The latter having lace of different 
colours on it, the men often had a good laugh in offering 
Moses a Drummer's jacket ; with a "tush tush" we would 
get rid of his importunity.' The other was ' a numerous 
family of Baboons.' Against the ' strict order not to 
molest them ' he boldly but warily attempted to possess 
himself of a yoimg baboon. His attempt almost ended 
tragically, or, as he says, 'put an end to my soldier- 
ing.' Encroaching on the privacy of the baboons while a 
mother baboon was dressing and ' skelping ' her offspring 
as ' smartly as my mother did when I was a naughty boy, 
down came a good sizeable stone from among a dozen or 
more grinning and laughing at me.' 

' Before I take leave of the Rock, with pleasure I will 
let you know that our brave countryman. Captain Lord 
Cochrane, gave the Spaniards no small annoyance with his 
Imperious Frigate and his brave crew of Greenockians and 
Glasgowians who were worthy of his command. Nor 
should I forget the brave officers and crews of the Brigs 
named Scout, Grashopper, and Beagle, Oh ! Britain, these 
are the men who, by their fearless and brave acts, materially 
help you to be called, what in fact you are, merchant 

At last the time to leave the Rock for more active 
service had come. ' Sir Hugh Dalrymple, the Governor, 
left the Rock to take command of the Army in Portugal. 
Sir John Moore called at the Rock on his way to Portugal. 
He dined at our officers' Mess. If I may pass an opinion 
it would have been as well if Sir Hugh had not left the Rock 
at all to command. For the day of his arrival the Battle 



of Vimeria was fought and gained. But just then a cession 
of arms took place, by the terms of which French troops 
were to leave Portugal with all the honours of War.' The 
voyage to Lisbon was slow and uneventful, ' the sea being 
unruffled as a pond.' On board the transport were not only 
soldiers, but their wives and those of the officers, and ' a 
few reels were danced in the cool of the evenings.' But 
murmurs of ' caste ' feeling or jealousy between units male 
and female of two such famous regiments as the Black 
Watch and the Grenadier Guards are hinted at. ' The 
Captain of the Grenadiers' lady said to Mrs. (the Colonel of 
the Black Watch's lady — or old Daddy as he was called), 
" I wish you would tell the Colonel to order the soldiers' 
wives to keep further forward for their clothes smell so." 
" Then," said the Colonel's lady, " I better go too, for I am 
a soldier's wife, but perhaps you are only a Captain's." ' 
Here, too, it may be mentioned that the veteran scribe 
stoutly disputes the authenticity of the famous charge, 
' Up, Guards, and at them,' by reasoning from comparison. 
' That was not his way of giving a command.' But later 
in the narrative he is less dogmatic — ' I don't know whether 
he said it or not for the good reason, I did not hear him 
say it.' They arrived at St. Julian. Sir Hugh Dairy mple 
had, however, capitulated to the French. The Guards 
landed to relieve the French Guard. Sir John Moore was 
now Commander-in-Chief of the Army. They marched 
out to Quilla ' 3 leagues out of Lisbon.' In the beginning 
of October 1808 they commenced to advance and ' mind 
we had no Commissariat.' They entered Spain at Roderigo, 
' a frontier garrison town,' and continued their march to 
Salamanca. In the latter place they were quartered in a 
convent. Lack of knowledge of Spanish was a great 
drawback to them in attempting to buy necessaries. By 
the kindly effort of a ' few Irish students there,' they were 
put in possession of a Spanish-EngHsh booklet, prepared 
and circulated gratis by these students, and containing ' the 
names of those articles in Spanish and English, which 


proved very useful.' Here he records a very amusing 
incident. ' One day we were served out with fresh pork 
for rations. The manner of kiUing and dressing the sow 
appeared rather odd to us Britishers, as Jonathan says. 
After bleeding the animal it was laid on straw and covered 
with the same and set fire to, which left it half roasted. 
What makes me notice this is that I was never a lover of 
Sandy Campbell anyhow. Being served out each camp 
kettle was in use. One of our mess went to market to buy 
some vegetables, and he did buy with a vengeance. He 
fancied some cayenne pepper pods. He bought them and 
in the kettle with the soup they looked tempting. They 
were ready and the sipping commenced. After the second 
sip, ah ! what wry faces. Each mouth was on fire, which 
was the cause of many a hearty burst of laughter, at least 
for the time, to them who had partaken the least.' 

* Now orders came to move forward. Truly our sun was 
on the decline. I feel somewhat at a loss to account for 
the rest of our journey until we reached Sachagoon' (he 
apologises for his spelling of Spanish towns, but on the 
whole he has no need to) ' on the 24th December. There 
were whispers of an attack on a French fort a few leagues 
away. But this intention was disclosed by treacherous 
Spaniards to the French, who evacuated the fort without 
offering resistance.' They were still on the move. It was 
' an imusually severe winter for Sunny Spain.' Rivers 
were unfordable. Rations were alwaj^s short, and boots 
and clothing scarce, and fatigue made heavy toll on the 
gallant army. At the banks of one ' formidable river ' they 
were ordered ' to take off our kilts, cartridge pouch and belt, 
and lay them on the top of our knapsacks at the back 
of our heads, no doubt to keep the powder dry, and the 
precaution proved necessary.' Doubtless it was his famili- 
arity with the primitive method of travel through the road- 
less Highlands and swollen streams there that prompted 
him to be careful of his footgear. ' Having now but one 
pair of shoes, I was resolved to be careful of them. So I 


put them off and put them on dry when I got to the other 
side. But my over care nearly proved fatal — at least in a 
measure. Pieces of ice were floating down, and the water 
so cold, that if it was not for a generous Dragoon who was 
fording with us, helping me, assuredly I would have been 
carried away. But safely landing, I found the benefit of 
the precaution, for putting on my dry shoes I felt comfort- 
able. It was here I first saw that renowned General and 
soldier, and soldiers' friend, Sir David Baird.' 

The memorable retreat on Corunna was now in rapid 
progress. The veteran gives a graphic account of its 
horrors. Moving constantly before a vigorous pursuer, to 
whom they gave as much as they got, over snow-clad hills 
and bridgeless rivers, ragged, hungry — ' only J lb. fine 
flour was served ' — sleepless, in many cases the flesh, alas ! 
was weaker than the spirit. The care of a retinue of ' our 
poor women,' with infants whose first vision of the world 
was an army in retreat, added to the difficulties of the 
gallant forces. Of the Spanish Army that was expected 
to render them help, he writes most contemptuously : ' I 
may say all [Spanish Army] engaged in a hunt, and every 
one they caught they killed and threw away. But every 
one that escaped their vengeance they carried with them. 
This was all we saw of that great Spanish Army that was 
to support us, or rather we to support them against Bone- 
parte's rule or dominion, and I do not know but it had been 
better for that nation that he had succeeded.' ' We were 
honoured by their Sovereign or Government or both, by 
a bit of scarlet cloth about the size of a halfpenny to wear 
in front of our bonnets, as a star or token of their regard, 
and the officers had a portrait of His Most Catholic Majesty 
in a small case, but he would be a clever fellow who could 
catch any of these Eoyal emblems in 24 hours. They 
found their way back by the stream to where they came 
from.' Equally contemptuous is he of the historians who 
describe the retreating army as a ' drunken rabble.' Yea, 
he pours the vials of his righteous indignation on these, 


and without difficulty ' fixing the Hes in their hard mouths.' 
' Not drunk, unless it was from hunger and fatigue. For 
my part, I did not see a man so on our retreat, but several 
had to yield unable to proceed further. Nor could I see 
where they could get it.' Plundering, though almost 
excusable on the part of starving men, was visited with 
death penalty. Even when ' biscuits or shoes ' were taken 
from destroyed stores, the law of discipline was equally 
relentless. 'Two of the 7th were brought to the front 
and their knapsacks laid open to inspection, and when 
unpacked Commanding Officers of regiments were ordered 
to the front, and told by Sir John that these men were 
reported as having plundered in their profession, and if 
it had been so they were to be shot.' 

' Corunna was at last, on a fine day, in sight, but ah ! 
we could see no shipping, which disappointed us not a 
little.' ' Batteries were built at the entrance to the town. 
A powder magazine was blown up, which explosion made 
us move as from an earthquake.' — ' We marched out to the 
fatal heights of Corunna, where England lost one of her 
most renowned Generals, and very nearly his next in 
Command, namely. Sir John Moore and Sir David Baird.' 
The battle commenced with a bad move. Command came 
from some one to scatter the French official staff. It was 
obeyed and the meeting was scattered by well-directed British 
fire. But they came back with redoubled vigour. ' We were 
ordered to fall in. At this, Sir John made his appearance. 
He had been reconnoitring the enemy's position and stood 
at our colours. My position was the rear rank man next to 
the Colours. His first word was, " Who was it that ordered 
that gun to be fired ? " He was told the name. " Well," 
said Sir John, " he has brought down the enemy's fire on 
us." So they were coming on in battalions. In making 
mention of the following you are not to suppose that I 
want any more praise for our Regiment than any of the 
rest of the Brigades. Being the oldest, our place was on 
the Right or Front where the ground was suitable. Sir 



David said to Sir John, " Shall I take command of the 
42nd ? " " Yes," said Sir John. Then we were told to 
prime and load. Sir David then said these words calmly : 
"42nd, one volley — Charge — remember Egypt." So we 
stood up, and a strange sight appeared to us there — a line 
of sturdy Frenchmen. We fired the volley as we were 
commanded. They were close to us, in fact, rather close, 
or the volley would have been still more effectual. But I 
think both parties were taken at a surprise. As it was, all 
that could of them went to the right about. They are 
nimble fellows. Just at that juncture both Sir John and 
Sir David moimted on horseback followed and were com- 
pletely exposed to the French guns, and so the sad effect 
proved. The French Commander could easily see that 
they were Superior Officers, being mounted. We pursued 
them more than half way, taking a few prisoners, of whom 
we were very careless. Here we halted ; firing as we 
thought would do any good. The rest of the Brigade 
deployed to the right and had several turns with the French. 
It was there that Major Napier of the brave old half hundred 
received his wounds, and was ill-used by a spalpeen of a 
French Drummer ; for a French soldier would not ill-treat 
a wounded man. On the left of the line, the battle waxed 
hotter, and the volleys continued till dark, the French doing 
their utmost to gain the high road to Corunna, and the 
British as determined that they should not. Our brave 
General, Sir William Bentinck, looking on and his mule 
at his side. He was truly one of nature's nobility, as well 
as by birth. 

' As darkness set in, there was a hush on both sides. Sir 
John Earl of Hopeton, an old tried soldier, commanded, 
and followed up Sir John Moore's plan of embarkation.' 
Then took place the memorable evacuation which brought 
such imperishable glory to all concerned — a glory that 
remains undimmed by the equally memorable evacuation 
of GaUipoh. Artifice and skill were employed with con- 
spicuous success. While the main body moved to the 


beach, ' a man of a company was warned to stay and feed 
the fires, and walk round so as to make it appear at a dis- 
tance that here were the wearied to sleep and the wounded 
to die.' The French were completely deceived and the 
embarkation proceeded methodically and without moles- 
tation. * As the first streaks of dayhght began to stretch 
across the sky, the picquets and fire-watchers were ordered 
to the shore, where boats were in readiness to convey them 
to the transports. When the transports were loaded and 
imder sail in the broad daylight, the French moved down 
en masse, exasperated by their discovery. For it was said 
that the French Commander resolved to give us no quarter 
but drive us into the sea. All that I will say is, in the first 
place that it would be easier said than done, and in the 
next place, that I could not believe that a French man 
would either say or do such a thing.' The remnant of the 
42nd, with others, were on board a new transport, the 
Comet, and with joy mingled with regrets for their com- 
rades left as prisoners of war, they sailed for England. 
' We lay in Plymouth Harbour for about a month, during 
which time we were occupied in cleansing ourselves of 
Spanish vermin, which was the only plunder we took from 
them, and well they could spare it, for they had a touch of 
Pharaoh's plague.' 

After recuperating and refitting at Shorncliffe, they ' were 
drilled to fire down a beach standing or lying down, for 
the rumour of an invasion by Boneparte by means of a 
flotilla was gaining credit on the minds of the British public' 
When the ill-starred expedition to Holland ' of the largest 
number of vessels large and small I ever saw' was about 
to start, a strange phenomenon appeared, which made a 
great impression on the superstitious. ' I mind,' says he, 
' a circumstance which took place, out of the ordinary 
course of Dame Nature's actings. A large ball of fire 
which arose as it were at the one end and disappeared at 
the other end of the Fleet with an even down-pour of rain. 
Both sailors and soldiers said that it was no good omen for 


success to our expedition.' The sequel will show whether 
they were prophets or not. They arrived at Flushing with 
cooked rations ready for an attack on a battery mounted 
with twenty guns at a short distance from the beach. 
They were waiting for the ' command to attack ' from the 
Commander-in-Chief, but it never came. ' Strange stories 
were afloat about him there and in England.' A violent 
storm burst on them suddenly. The transports and war- 
vessels were anchored on a sandy bottom and dragged. 
One brig went aground under the fort of Flushing. She 
became the target of the fort, but fought pluckily in very 
unfavourable circumstances. Next day they were ordered 
round to the island of Zealand. They landed. ' Now 
our sorrows began, not from powder and shot, but from 
fever and ague. Our Company alone had 20 attacked 
at once, which caused no small consternation.' A deci- 
mated army returned from a disastrous expedition. ' Many 
of the men got long furlough to recuperate, and invariably 
returned a vast deal better in health.' 

No sooner had they recovered than they were ordered 
back to Lisbon at once to join the army commanded by 
Wellington. The second battalion of the Black Watch 
was broken up, and most of its units were attached to the 
first, which brought the strength of that fine fighting 
regiment to twelve hundred. ' A fine accession to the High- 
land Brigade,' he says. Soon after their arrival they were 
ordered to advance to Salamanca, which was garrisoned 
by the French with the main body of their army two leagues 
from it. ' At night they [the French] placed sentinels of 
straw dressed in uniform, paying us back for the trick we 
played on them at Corunna. We marched on Burgos.' 
The siege of the castle, situated on a ' tableland about haH 
a mile long and a quarter of a mile broad,' was commenced. 
Volunteers were asked for a scaling party and a firing party. 
His regiment's response was such as to overwhelm the 
command with volunteers. For four months the siege 
proceeded with the utmost energy on the part of engineers. 


On the eve of a successful issue to their labours the appear- 
ance of French relieving forces obliged Wellington to retreat. 
' The French pursued us candidly speaking till we entered 
Portugal, and if it was not a retreat during the time it 
lasted, I do not know what to call it.' Before the next 
move they suffered dreadfully from an outbreak of fever, 
and ' had to be changed from place to place for the benefit 
of the change of air.' Fights for position, attacks by 
cavalry, and the taking of many prisoners ' over whose 
downfall we manifested no symptoms of joy.' The battle 
of Vittoria is then described. ' King Joseph invited the 
ladies of that city to come and see how he would pommel 
the English. Indeed the place he made choice of for that 
panorama proved most disastrous for him and his army, 
fully worse than Johnnie Cope in the song. He lost his 
treasure, in fact all his heavy baggage, the drivers of the 
waggons cutting harness and getting away as best they 
could with the main army. General Graham coming with 
his Division on their flank by another road completed their 
disaster, and pursued them until he shut them up in St. 
Sebastian. We pursued them by another road, but word 
came that a division of the French moved forward to relieve 
their comrades who were besieged in Pampaluna, and were 
promised an ounce of gold each. Be that as it may, our 
Brigade was ordered back, starting in the evening, and 
arriving in the morning near Pampaluna, intercepted their 
further advance. I dare say, this was the greatest sight I 
got during the War. The place was like an amphitheatre — 
a sloping hill around and a plain in the centre. About 
2 o'clock in the afternoon the French were in motion and 
moved forward in sections in as good order as they would 
going to an ordinary field-day. But our division on their 
left hurriedly fell in and moved down on them and engaged. 
The light company of our Brigade was ordered off, and 
had to ford a considerable river to meet them, and we were 
ordered to follow. The French commenced to retire to 
their former positions and halted. So this day's work 



ended without much damage on either side. Picquets 
were posted by both parties. There was a field of potatoes 
between us. Shortly after, our men entered the one end 
and so did the French the other, digging with their bayonets. 
My comrade and I were gathering stubble to make a fire 
to boil the kettle — do not start, it was not to make tea, 
but some other dainty dish. At this time, who comes up 
but Lord Wellington, and but a little distance from where 
we were. General Pakenham went out to meet him. 
After salutation, these words were passed, pointing to the 
diggers: " My Lord, did you ever see the like of that ? " 
The answer was, " I never did. General." ' 

The French were now driven on without a halt to the 
P3a'enees. There they made a determined stand, built huts, 
and forced the British to encamp in front of them. ' And 
here I will give you a little insight into the character of the 
French soldier, enraged and embittered against us as you 
would suppose him to be. It came on heavy snow, so 
much so that the mountains were clad with it. The French 
picquets were posted at the side of a deep ravine. It was 
very cold. Perhaps our coming from the south made us 
feel it more so. We had double sentinels on the footpath, 
so had they. You will understand that sentries never 
shoot each other. Being so cold, one sentry stood watch- 
ing what might take place in front of him while the other 
walked about to warm his feet. One of the French sentinels 
made a motion with his hand, laid down his gun, and stepped 
forward a few paces. He then laid down a flask, putting 
it to his mouth first and motioning to our sentry to do the 
same. Falling back the other followed his example. Now 
I ask what would be more friendly between men at war 
with each other.' The battle of the Pyrenees was fought 
and won, and the British encamped ' on French soil at last 
with no little pride, and with the strictest orders not to 
injure any of the inhabitants.' 

Now began a series of the celebrated river passages 
which had to be effected to make a further invasion of 


France possible. In the midst of a detailed account of the 
extreme hardships involved, our communicative chronicler 
records an amusing incident, reflecting the high honour and 
fine chivalry of hardened warriors, which can scarcely be 
paralleled in the written annals of war. 

' We got now into quarters, chiefly deserted houses. 
Some of them were in need of repair caused by our shot 
and shell, and in one such we had a strong picquet posted. 
We remained here about a month. It came my turn to 
mount that duty also, and on that night the following 
circumstance took place and indeed oftener than our 
ofiicers wished to allow. I believe the culprit of an act 
which both officers and men detested was one of the name 
— but I will not dirty my paper by it. — He being on sentry, 
a French soldier came to him and, a whistle being the signal, 
asked F. if he would buy a watch. He said he would, but 
had not the money then, but would have it in four hours 
after, as his comrade was coming with some supper and had 
the purse. It was very cold. The French soldier could 
not speak English, nor the British soldier French, but both 
spoke a little Spanish, both having been in Spain. Strange 
as it may appear, the French soldier trusted no small risk 
because either cor^ps de armee might be removed or a battle 
ensue. But so it was the French soldier came at the 
appointed hour, but found out his misplaced confidence. 
Relating the story as the one best could and the other under- 
stood, our sentry asked him if he (the French soldier) would 
go to the picquet house and try to make him out and that 
he would pass him to the next sentry. To this proposal, 
although one would think it dangerous, he readily assented. 
Our man moved forward with him to the next sentry and 
stated the circumstance. He passed him to the next. 
Arriving at the door of the picquet house, these called the 
Sergeant and told him the matter. He went and informed 
the Officer. The bold Frenchman was admitted. Happily 
one of the Officers spoke the French language fluently. The 
French soldier's statement was heard, and not without 


surprise at his confidence in our military training that he 
would get justice. I am proud to say he was not mistaken. 
The Officers' names were Captain D. MacKenzie and Lieu- 
tenant Urquhart — both now dead, peace to their memory. 
The Sergeant was told to go and fall in the picquet in the 
house and in open ranks. The Officers came, candle in 
hand, and with their strange visitor nothing daunted. The 
Officers moved down the ranks until the French soldier 
halted before F. The Captain said, " Did you buy a watch 
from this man and promise to pay him ? " He answered, 
" No." But the falsehood appeared in his face. The 
Captain detected the falsehood by the flush on his coun- 
tenance, and commanded him to deliver up the watch 
directly. Seeing there was no escaping, he put his hand in 
his breast and brought out the watch and handed it to the 
Frenchman, the Captain saying to F., " owing to the circum- 
stance " — here he stopped, — " but I hope your comrades 
will judge your mean cowardly act rightly " ; and so they 
did as long as he was in the regiment. Then the Officers 
and their guest returned to their room, the Captain giving 
the soldier his watch and receiving his most grateful thanks 
in return, and saluting, he was for going, to which move 
the Officer said : " Oh ! where are you going ? " " Back," 
said he. " But do you not know that we must keep you 
a prisoner ? " " Ah," said he, " if I did not believe other- 
wise I would not be here." " Well," said the Officer, 
" according to your faith be it imto you." Without asking 
a single question respecting their army, he asked : "Do 
you drink wine ? " "Oh yes," if they pleased, and after 
drinking to their health, the Captain told the Sergeant 
to see him past the sentry. The men were as much gratified 
by the act as the Officers themselves, ah bien.^ 

Next comes a description of the battle of Orthes, and 
the terrific charge of the Highland Brigade. ' I never saw 
such a sight before. Man and horse tumbled over each 
other, dead and wounded. We advanced and their in- 
fantry was getting in position to attack. But, from what 


cause we never knew, but just as we were getting into line 
they went to the right about without firing a shot at us. 
We gave them, of course, a parting salute. We got now 
into open column, and, strange to say, I being second from 
the right in the rear rank, was struck by one ball in the 
knee below the cap. They say the only place to hit a 
black is the shins. I heard the crack and fell and fainted, 
I beHeve. When the blood began to flow I felt easier, 
bound up the wound with a napkin I had by chance, and 
hirpled as best I could towards the house we started from. 
The poor fellows who received our volley were lying dead 
and wounded, and as I was crippling by, motioned to me 
by signs for water, which I would go to fetch, cripple as I 
was, but did not know where to get any. Entering the 
house, what a sight ! Lying on the floor were wounded 
men, and some in great pain. The most painful to hear 
was a stout Grenadier who lay beside me, shot through the 
belly, and crying to the Doctor to put him out of pain. 
Next day. Frenchmen came with carts to bring us into 
Hospital. Such of us as thought ourselves any way able 
petitioned the Doctor to allow us follow the Regiment.' 
He did so himself. 

He joined his regiment above Toulouse, where the 
French made a final stand. And here the amateur his- 
torian differs from the great authorities. ' Indeed, it was 
reported,' says he, ' after the Battle was fought that Field 
Marshal Soult had information of Peace being concluded 
7 or 10 days before, but having such a good position, 
he wanted it to be said that he gained the last battle.' In 
the battle ' our Brigade suffered severely, but Soult, finding 
that he was not to succeed, made known that Peace had 
been proclaimed, and we marched for Bordeaux, one of the 
finest cities in France.' Here he had to remain behind with 
one of the officers of his company who was severely wounded. 
They were kindly entertained by the French, and par- 
ticularly by ' the lady of the house who spoke English 
fluently.' Ultimately they sailed for London and Aberdeen, 
VOL. X. u 


' which was near the officer's home.' He joined his depot 
there, and on Christmas Day they were ordered to embark 
for ' sweet Erin gu brath.' They landed at Waterford and 
made for ' the blessed city of Kilkenny, where we joined our 
Regiment — and happy to meet again — now commanded by 
Col. Robert McCara, our former 2nd Lieutenant — and 
water without mud, coals that didn't smoke, and streets 
paved with marble ! ' Here he met those who were taken 
prisoners in the retreat from Corunna. 

The enjoyment of the bliss of peace in ' blessed Kil- 
kenny ' was of short duration. The last act in a great 
drama had to be played. The liberation of Europe from 
the threat of wild ambition was not yet completed. ' News 
came that that restless cricket Boney got back to France.' 
The forces of Britain had again to be massed, and the 42nd 
were to face their old opponents once more. They em- 
barked for Flanders in the best of spirits, and ' our division 
arrived at Ghent, a town intersected with canals and 
bridges and with unequalled fine men and handsome 
women, and excellent Geneva.' They marched to Brussels, 
' everything going on handsomely and cheerfully. I said 
then as I say now — ^who would not be a soldier, especially if 
his country and King were threatened ? ' He then pro- 
ceeds to give an account of the Ball given by the Duchess 
of Richmond on the eve of Waterloo. ' The Dutchess of 
Richmond gave a Ball to the higher ranks of officers, and 
wished for a few soldiers from each of the Scottish Regi- 
ments to dance the Highland Fling, etc. But alas ! at 
2 o'clock in the morning, everything that could make a 
noise in the way of a drum or bugle was sounded to assemble 
us in our several parade grounds. We were not long about 
it, but still we were thinking it was but a Brigading Day 
until we found the road we travelled was rather long for 
that. Then the truth came out that we were on the road 
to meet Boneparte, who,' he says, ' might have been the 
Emperor of that great nation, but his own ambition slew 


' Passing through the village of Waterloo, we halted in close 
column [Quatre Bras]. We overheard our brave old General 
Pakenham say to our Colonel : " Well," he said, " if there is 
anything to be done this day, I will try to get this Brigade 
in" ; and these words were hardly uttered when an orderly 
was galloping towards him and gave him his orders, which 
he gave us cheerfully : " Fall in — March." But before we 
marched I should have stated that the Hanoverian and 
Brunswick troops passed us to the Front at Yeo. Looking 
at them marching forward they were as proud as Spaniards 
on sentry, or a turkey cock in a farmyard, dressed in dark 
uniform with something like a horse tail in their helmets 
with the shape of a scalped face and man's shin bones. 
If they did not frighten the French, most assuredly the 
French frightened them. On the French coming forward 
to attack, they went into the utmost confusion, and were 
reported not to have minded what became of their Com- 
mander, the Duke of Brunswick, who was killed. Some of 
them did not stop in their flight till they reached Antwerp, 
about 40 miles from the battle-field. The Prince of Orange, 
who was slightly wounded, tried to maintain order, but 
failed. Indeed their flight cost dearly to the people of 
Brussels. News spread in the city that the French beat the 
British and were coming towards the city. But to return, 
the French cavalry made a furious charge on our Brigade, 
each having to form a square, but our old Colonel was 
killed by a Cuirassier before he could manage his horse to 
enter it, and none of them got off with both ease and honour. 
Our own Greys let them see that they could handle their 
sword better without being clad in steel or brass armour as 
they were. The French seemed determined to cut up the 
Highland Brigade. They next charged the 79th, but the 
Greys made them retreat, cursing the Greys no doubt, and 
saying among themselves — " These devils are for all the 
game among themselves." At night all was quiet, nor was 
much done on the 17th.' Here he ventures in an interesting 
way to criticise the critics. ' Boneparte,' he proceeds, 


' sent Grouchy with his divisions to meet the Prussians, 

and had some sharp work indeed. A goodly number of 

our wise, or would-be wiser than other fellows in all that 

concerns British interests, said, and even say still, that if 

Blucher had not come to our assistance, the game was up 

with us. But had Grouchy with his division remained, 

and Boneparte came against us with his full force and made 

us retreat, were the Prussians to remain inactive ? May we 

not suppose that a General like Blucher would take Boney 

in his flank. Here then the French would be between two 

fires, which would prove rather hotter for them than acting 

as they did. The sequel you know. The Prussians were 

pursuing and harassing the French at no merciful rate, 

perhaps out of revenge for what they suffered from the 

French troops in their own country. We were marching 

at comparative ease, but the Prussians were pursuing the 

French troops as the locusts in the green fields. Such was 

man's humanity to man that causes so many to mourn. 

Yet let us hope that better days for France and England 

are coming. If these two great powers,' continues this 

hopeful prophet, ' acted in harmony, they would not only 

be conquerors but be a blessing to the rest of the world, and 

who can tell but it is to their co-operation, that happy period 

portrayed, when the sword is turned into an agricultural 

instrument and the lion and the lamb will frisk together, 

will come. May it be so.' 

Waterloo was fought and won. Napoleon's ambition 
was for ever curbed. Peace was established. The British 
force moved to Paris, where they warmly fraternised with 
their erstwhile foes, with all the magnanimity and chivalry 
of noble victors. They drank each other's health ; touched 
each other's glasses, and ' I shouted as best I could — Vive 
Napoleon ! ' 

He then proceeds to give his estimate of the quality of 
the various combatants he met. ' The Austrian Guards, 
in my opinion, were the heaviest men, but their white long 
coats, I at least, thought not suited to campaigning. The 


Prussians were smart, active looking soldiers. I never did 
see any men marching with such precision. Indeed, com- 
pared with others (us) they might well be called giants. 
But I hope it might then be said, and can still be said of 
the British soldier, what was said of Rob Rorison's bonnet, 
that it was not the bonnet, but the head that was in it — 
that it was not the size of his body, but the soul that was 
within it.' 

In March of the following year the veterans of the 
42nd left their temporary resting-place in the south of 
England for Scotland. Their Colonel wished them to go 
north by sea, but the order from Horse Guards was peremp- 
tory. They must proceed by land. The march north was 
a long triumphal one. The populace everjrwhere — except 
one place — received them with enthusiasm and acclama- 
tions. ' Such a march,' says he, ' could not be in any other 
country but England, among the kind-hearted inhabitants 
to their soldiers. In every town — one excepted — even the 
women were not forgotten, and in the larger towns the 
officers were treated to the theatres. Long may Britain 
rule the waves. The name of the exception I forget, for the 
rest amply made up for them. Nor would I take notice 
of this, but for the following statement made to myself and 
a comrade. Halting there over Simday, next morning we 
met a countryman. Accosting us, he said : " Soldiers, 
you would no doubt be surprised at the reception you got 
from us." Here we told him we had no right to complain 
of what we had no right to. " Well, well," said he, '' that 
may be so, but do you know the reason of it ? " We said 
No. " Well," said he, "I will tell you what I heard spoken 
— that your Scottish people came this far and burnt and 
plundered this town the time of the Scottish Rebellion." 
We only laughed and said they had long memories. We 
came to Berwick, where we were treated in the same manner, 
but on our leaving it, our Band played "Heigh, Johnnie 
Cope," just for a laugh. Coming to Musselburgh we were 
treated kindly. But arriving in Edinburgh and going up 


to the Castle, the crowd was so great that some of the men 
were carried off their feet. Some time afterwards we were 
handsomely treated in the Assembly Rooms, every officer 
receiving a handsome piece of plate, and every one of the 
Regiment who was wounded at Waterloo when discharged 
receiving on his discharge and applying to Bailie Hender- 
son from ten to twenty pounds sterling in money. Besides 
there was a goodly sum subscribed to build a Church with 
free seats for Waterloo men and wives and children. 
Although commenced it is not finished. I doubt if ever it 
will be. I think the minister will not be hard tasked in his 
duties for the soldiers and officers that were at that memor- 
able battle.' 

Like almost all of the Highland race, of whatever creed 
or politics, his thoughts fly back over all his own stirring 
experiences to the field of CuUoden 'where that fatal 
tragedy to the Highlanders was enacted.' His grandfather 
was there, he tells us, and brought ' two swords off the field 
as a memorial of the circumstance.' ' He was not very 
commxmicative in giving an account of it,' he complains. 
' Perhaps holding a Government situation as long as I knew 
him made him less communicative.' There was another, 
and perhaps a truer reason. James Gunn of Waterloo was 
a volunteer with his whole heart and soul in his country's 
struggles. His grandfather of Culloden was a bondman 
in arms, with his spirit and heart heavy and sad. His harp 
was hung on the willow tree. For, says Bruce the Engineer 
— the friend of ' Pickle the Spy ' — truthfully, ' their 
chieftain. Captain Gun, was one of the Militia Captains in 
the time of the Late Rebellion, and it was no secret that 
his dependence on Lord Sutherland was rather the motive 
of his acting as he did than his own inclination.' 

Private James Gunn had all the good qualities of a 
typical Highland soldier. He was loyal, brave, and fear- 
less. Quite modestly he lifts the veil of a moving little 
scene in the Peninsular Campaign, by which he imcon- 
sciously reveals to us what manner of soldier he was. 


* Such of us,' he says, ' as were enlisted for the period of 
14 years got an offer of discharge two years before our 
time was expired. One afternoon in camp as my com- 
rade and I were sitting on our knapsacks, a ball from a 
fieldpiece passed a short distance from us. " What do 
you think of that fellow?" said L "Well," he said, "I 
think the King has need of men, and I will volunteer 
this very day." And so did I, and I never rued it, and 
even this day [aged eighty] I am as wilHng, if not as able, 
if my service was needed here. I will go as cheerfully 
as ever.' 

A grateful country indeed awarded this brave veteran 
a pension of one shilling a day, which he drew for over fifty 
years! He makes no complaint at the nation's paltry 
recognition of its noble heroes; and, too proud even to 
make known his wants, his last years disclose this stout- 
hearted soldier, like many other veterans, struggling, not 
against his nation's enemies, but against his load of years. 
'These times,' he says, 'are passed, and happier times 
arrived, and still happier, I hope, in store. Let us 
endeavour to be worthy of that time when it arrives.' 'I 
cannot expect but the Grim Chap is whetting his scythe 
for me. Well, let him come ; I faced him before now.' 

Well might Private James Gunn say of his little clan, 
of which he was a splendid specimen, what a dying Perth 
soldier, who shared the immortal glory of the Scottish 
advance on Loos, said of his fellow-countrymen : ' Nae 
doot, sir, we would be a great people if there were mair 
o' us.' 




Professor Mackestnon 

{Continued from page 211) 


Is and sin ro bui co seasmach sir-shiublach in croda 
cumacht^ Mairt .t. deu^ in chatha 7 sleag aithger amnas 
ina laim co. n-snigtis 7 co n-reithdis ri srotha falcmara fola 
FoLi8b2. o fograin co h-urlaind oc thairrngairi bais 7 aideada na curad 
ceachtarda co ro comtheann 7 co ro comgres ^ co h-acgarb 
anindeach ^ na h-airside athloma sin do chum a chele 7 ^ in 
chathaigthi co n-a^ tard nech dib sin a crich na cathrach 
da riacht.' Ro slinfuailsed ^ fergi fithigi^ coma h-urloma 
lama na laechraidi do chlaidbib cm-aidi cathaigthi 7 do 
slegaib seta sodibraicthi re h-ailgius na h-irgaili. Cid tra 
acht ^® na bad milig ^^ in chatha uair ba h-adbul re aisneis 
trethan 7 tindenas na n-ec(h)radh n-allmarda a comch(r)a- 
thad na carpad ac fo shenm na srian mireann comdais 
suarca ^^ sneachtaidi na f aicheada fondglasa ris na caeboib 
coem ^2-chubair co n-snignigtis co sir-adbol dar oiHb ^^ na 
h-eachraidi each concingtis na cairpthig. 

Et 1^ is ann sin ro comaicsich ^^ each d'aroile ^^ dib, 7 ba 
h-e dlus ^^ ro h-imnaiscid ^® na h-airsigi sin co comraictis a 
troigthi ar n-ichtar, 7 a n-aigthi ar n-uachtar, 7 a sceith 
chuanna chabradacha re 'roile, 7 a a cloidbi ^^ curad gera 
cathaigthi, 7 a cathbairr choema cumaidi ^^re cheli,^^ 
coma 21 snata data ^^ derlad ^^ 7 dellradacha ^^ do na cum- 
daigib badar ar na curadaib cathbairr thaidlecha aroili cein 
no CO ro ^^ ruamait a frasad na ^^ f ala a corpthaib na curad 

* cumachtach. 

^ d'innsaidhi. 

^ fichaidi iat. 
13 oibhlibh. 
17 Eg. adds tra. 

2 dee. 

^ CO nach. 

i°~i"^ bd,t mera a miledha. 
" Eg. omits. 
1^ imfaicsidhsit. 

7 rochtain, 
11 solUsf. 

1^ coimfaicsidhsit. 
1^ cloidme. 

* ainminach. 
^ linfuailsed. 
12 Eg. omits. 
1® reroile. 
20-20 Eg. omits. 

21 21 snasta an datha 7 an. 22-22 j]g. omits. 23-23 forruuamnidhi frasa. 



Unswerving and ever active was the bloody, powerful 
Mars the god of war with a very sharp, deadly spear in his 
hand, from which dripped and flowed streams of liquid 
blood from point to shaft as it dealt death and destruction 
on champions from either side. He urged and incited 
fiercely and venomously the active veterans to mutual 
slaughter to such purpose that not one of these ever reached 
his territory or city. Fighting fury filled them so that the 
hands of the heroes eagerly grasped strong battle swords and 
long, easily hurled spears, such was their ardoiu* for fight- 
ing. Howbeit it was not warriors alone that fought that 
battle ; for it is terrible to relate the rush and eagerness of 
the foreign steeds as they violently shook the chariots while 
the bitted bridles rang against each other, so that the green 
fields looked bright and snow white with the bobs of white 
foam that ever dropped from the jaws of the horses wher- 
ever the chariot fighters drove them. Then each side closely 
approached the other, and with skill they mutually engaged, 
so that feet beneath and faces above took their part in the 
combat. Fair, bossed shields (clashed) against each other, 
and champions' swords sharp and warlike and beautiful, 
shapely helmets, so that the gleam and brilliance of the 
shining helmets of each which afforded protection to the 
champions were pleasant and fair to see until they became 
red-stained by the blood which fell in showers from the bodies 
of the champions from the mutual smiting thereafter. Then 



ac in combualad iar toin. Et^ o ra erig confad com- 
tnuthach cosnumach iter na curadaib sin, 7^ ro mearaid 
menmanna na milead. Ro crithnaich in talam tren n-adbul 
re trethnaich na tren-fher re tendta in tachair comma breas- 
maidm buaidirtha crislach eocuasta na firmameindti amal 
comcumraisctis ^ na gaetha garb-gluairi ^ gad-(s)nimacha in 
ceathar duil com(fh)airsing con aiceantaib examla amal ^ no 
betis ^ is in caip cumascda as ar tebit ar tus co taibsenach 
.t. as inmais. 

Et ba h-indtamuil aidchi do na h-airsidib sin re h-irgail 
neoil dorcha dermairi na n-arm n-examal ^ ac an dibrugun 
CO dluith OS in deg-sluag comma cumaing in taer anbthenach 
uastu re h-imud na n-urchur ac a n-athchur eturru, uair ro 
chomdibraicid ann sin bera aithgera iamaidi, 7 ro frasaid 
slega suainmeacha so-dibraici. Et"^ ro laeit cairgi com- 
chruindi a taiblib tulamais contaidlitis amal saignena 
solusta OS na sluagaib, 7 ro telgid saitheda sar-echta saeget 
eturru, 7 ni talam co n-taidlidis ac toitim na h-airm sin, 
acht anad i cendaib curad 7 i taebaib trenfher 7 i sleasaib 
Foi.i9ai.saer chlann. Cid tra acht ro thimchill each a chele dib 
ann sin amal timchellas tond mara moir ochra^ cuan* 
7 calad, 7 do rala 'na comracaib iad. 

Is and sin da rala Ipseus mac Asopas do Tiabandaib 
aigid ind ^^ agaig 7 Menalca do Grecaib .t. taisech na 
n-Eoballda. Ro scail 7 ro-s-crothastar ^^ Ipseus Tiabanda 
munter Menalca cu r' (f)acsad a tigerna a^^ oenur n eigin 
irgaili da n-es.^^ Is and sin ro cuir-seom cruad chomlond 
re h-Ipseus re re cian, 70^^ tharaid ^^ baegal ^^ gona ar in 
Grecda sin ^'^ i 1-leith ^"^ da druim co rop do'n ^^ leith araill 
do ^^ tharraing Menalcos as in sleig,^® 7 ac toitim do da ^^ 
tharlaic urchor do Ipseus di co ru-s-gon, 7 adbath fen 
fochetoir. Acus ^^ as ahaithli ^^ tarlaic airsid ^^ ammai(n)d- 
sech do Tiabandaib ,l. Amindtus do saigit do lasid ^^ mic 

^ Eg, omits. 

2 Eg, omits. 

^ ro cumeisctis. 

* garba glordha. 

'-' MS. J letis. 

^ h-examal. 

7 Eg. omits. ^ eochra. 

9 cuain. 

10 an. 

" ro croithustar. 

12 Eg. omits. 

13 eis. 

^* Eg. omits. 

15 tarraidh. 

1^ Eg. adds beime J. 

17-17 leith. 

^8 Eg. omits. 

19 Eg, omits. 

20 Eg. t-sleig. 

21 Eg. omits. 

^2 Eg. omits. 

2' Eg. adds sin. 

24 Eg. adds aghmhar. 

26 ladhsid. 



arose fierce, contentious fury between the heroes, and the 
spirits of the warriors became inflamed. The firm, vast earth 
trembled under the efforts of the mighty men in the stress of 
conflict, so that the spacious vault of the firmament was filled 
with the comminghng uproar, just as when the blustering, 
whirling winds clash in the four airts from diverse directions. 
And like unto night the scene of the conflict was to these 
veterans with dark, huge clouds of diverse w^eapons dis- 
charged in volleys above the heads of the stout warriors, 
so that the stormy air above them was crowded with the 
numerous casts exchanged between them. For there were 
discharged there sharp, iron darts, and thonged, fight spears 
were flung in showers by them, and round stones were 
shot from slings with sure aim, which appeared above the 
hosts like bright thunderbolts, and deadly arrows were 
exchanged. Nor was it on earth these weapons alighted 
in their fall — they fixed in the heads of champions and 
in the sides of mighty men and in the flanks of nobles. 
And now each side of them encircled the other as the 
great ocean billows encircle the borders of havens and 

And now Hypseus son of Asopus of Thebes meets face 
to face the chief of Oebalia, Menalcas, a Greek. The Theban 
Hypseus scattered and discomfited Menalcas's people, so 
that their chief was left alone in the extremity of danger. 
He fought a stern fight against Hypseus for a long time. 
But a chance blow from behind pierced the Greek from 
back to front. Menalcas pulled out the spear, and in his fall 
hurled it at Hypseus and wounded him. He himself perished 
instantly. Thereafter a fierce Theban veteran, Amyntas, 
shot an arrow at Jasus son of Phaedimos, who fell thereby. 
Then Agreus a champion of Calydon fought against Phegeos, 
a mighty Theban. Each was attacking the other when 
Agreus struck Phegeos' s right hand off from the shoulders 


Pedimus do Grecaib co torchair de. Is and sin ro comraic ^ 
coraid do Cailidondaib .t. Agreius re trenfher do Tiabandaib 
.1. Pegeius, 7 ro bui each dib ae om airleeh aroli es tue 
Agreius builli do Peig co ro ben a ^ laim n-des o'n ^ gualaind 
de, 7 CO ro thoit lam in laich sin 7 ro bui ac siubal 7 ac 
lemnig ar lar 7 a claideb ^ comnert inti. Acus o t'chon- 
dairc Acetes do Grecaib sin tanic 7 ro tren-buail in laim ar 
lar CO ru-s-crechtnaig co mor. Ro comraic and sin Ipseus 
do Tiabandaib re h-A(l)ccamas n-anacarach do Grecaib 7 
ro thoit an ^ Tiauanda do gonaib in Grecda sin. Ro comraic 
^ dno a ris do ^ Ipseus mac Asopas 7 do ^ Arcus engnumach 
do Grecaib. '^ Ro gargaigsead an gliaid 7 ro curadaigsed a 
comlond 7 ro thoit Argus Grecda ger' uairsig^ d'on irgail 
sin. Acus ^ ar na toitim sin les da rala in trenfher Tiphis 
do Grecaib chuici 7 ^^ bar eoch,^^ 7 ro chuirset comlond, 7 
tanic and sin a ara^^ i fiadnaisi Thiphis .1. Abas 7 ro gon 
CO h-amnas Ipceus. Ipceus imorro trascrais 7 tren-marbais 
na firu sin co torchadar les. 

Is and sin tarla comrac cethrair^^ ar lar in chatha .1. 
dias brathar do Tiabandaib .1. Ion 7 Daphnis, 7 dias brathar 
do Grecaib .t. Fares 7 Abas. Acus ^^ ro ba chomlond bagach 
braithremail sin do leith dar ^^ leth cein ^^ cor' thuitsead in 
dias Tiabanda sin ris^^ in dis do Grecaib. Acus^' o ro 
tuitsead leo tucsad aichni ^^ cor brathir iad ar comdichracht 
a comraic 7 ar cosmaileacht ^^ a n-delba. Acus tanic a 
n-aicned co mor forro 7 ba truag leo a toitim dia lamaib. 
Cid tra acht ba suaichinti sarecha saer-chland is in chath 
Fol. 19a 2. cheachtarda sin. Acus ^^ is and sin ra trascair 7 ro timchill 
Emon echtach anrata do sil calma ^^ Chathim gasrada Grec, 
comtis buidni buaidertha, 7 comtis taircsenaich tecig re 
trethan in Tiabanda sin ac a tuargain. Ro indsaig imorro 
Tid talchar togaidi, mac rig na Calidoine sluagu ^^ tenda na 
Tiabanda 'na aigid sin comdis dirmada dianscailti 7 comtis 
crithnaigthi comlaind 7 comtis ailsegaig engnuma da eis. 

^ word deleted in MS. 2-2 1^^ (jes o. ^ claidem. 

* MS. na. 5-6 tra. 6 Eg. omits. ^ Eg. adds 7. ^ b'airsidh. 

^ Eg. omits. i°-io se ar a eoch. " am. ^2 cetair. 

*3 Eg. omits. 1* ar. 16 Eg. adds no. ^^ las. ^^ Eg. omits. 

*^ aithni. ^^ Qosmoilius, 20 gg^ omits. 21 j)g^ omits. 22 gluaga. 



by a blow. The hero's hand fell, and with the sword still 
strongly grasped in it was moving and leaping on the 
ground. When Acetes, a Greek, observed this he went and 
struck the hand as it lay with great force and hacked it 
badly. Then fought Iphis a Theban and the merciless 
Greek Athamas, and the Theban fell by the wounds inflicted 
by the Greek. Hypseus the son of Asopus then fought 
another Greek, the dexterous Argus. The encounter was 
fierce and the conflict heroic. But the Grecian Argus, 
veteran though he was, fell in the combat. After he fell a 
mighty Greek, Iphis, came to his aid. Iphis dismounted 
and fought with (Hypseus), when his charioteer Abas 
joined Iphis and severely wounded Hypseus. But Hypseus 
laid low and quite slew these men, who thus fell by his hand. 

Then there was fought in the centre of the field a combat 
of four, on the one side two Theban brothers. Ion and 
Daphnis, on the other two Greek brothers, Phareus and 
Abas. A warlike brotherly conflict it was on either side, 
until the two Thebans fell by the hands of the two Greeks. 
When they did fall they were recognised to be brothers both 
from the vehemence of their fight and their resemblance 
to each other. The (Greeks) were much affected at this, 
and they were grieved that the brothers fell by their hands. 

Howbeit conspicuous and very valiant were the warriors 
of noble birth in that battle on either side. And now the 
featful, valiant Haemon of the renowned blood of Cadmus 
was prostrating and surrounding the Grecian warriors so 
that they were becoming confused troops and timid before 
the onrush of that Theban in his frequent attacksi On 
the other hand, however, the stern select Tydeus son of 
the King of Calydon attacked the stout troops of Thebes 
so that they became scattered crowds, timorous in fight 
and reckless of renown in consequence. Now a fitting com- 
parison to these two is the rush of two vehement, foaming 



Ba h-e tra ^ samail na desi sin amal ro rethidis ^ da buidni ^ 
diana dileand a slebtib arda amreidi co tochlait 7 co tim- 
airgid leo turscartha^ iii talman co linit na fan-gleanna^ 
faethib dib. Is and sin ro erig Idas mac Conceist do Tiaban- 
daib 7 is amlaid ro erig 7 aithleanda ^ loisctheacha lasamna 
'na laim,"^ 7 ro dibriced ba ^ na ^ sluagaib iat co m-ba buai- 
dirthi gasraigi Grec jleis. Acus mar do bui ba'n ^ samla sin 
tarla Tid mac rig na Calidone do indsaigid 7 tuc sadug 
setrech sleigi bar ^^ in fer co torchair 7 tend a droma ^^ re lar 
7 a aithindeada m*derga air a nuas. Acus is ed ro raid Tid 
ris : ' Ni loiscfea^^ tra^^ loechraid Lema ni as mo .t. na^* 
Grec. Acht chena coingebthar tu coma luaithred lan-min 
do chorp ar n-a loscud o na thindib ^^ taeb-derga ra imarch- 
rais ^® fen.' Et o da rigni-sium ^'^ sin imasae ^^ fa sluag na 
Tiabanda amal tigir croda confagaig ma ^^ cethrib comimda 
7 torchair ^ in cuicer rig-milead-sa les do'n ruathar sin .t. 
Cuan 2^ curita 7 Polus primechtach 7 Cromns coscorach 7 
Elicon anglondach 7 Taigis tren-chalma. Emon imorro nir 
ba lugu a echta in airseda isin ^^ ar na sluagaib Grec.^^ Acus 
ni tharaid dil a fhergi dib re Ian oilgius a luath marbtha ger' 
ba dluithi ^^ na sluaig ac a slaidi,^^ 7 ger' ba calma curaid ^^ 
chroda Chalidone, munter talchar Tid, ro thoU 7 ro thanaig 
in tren-fer Tiabanda sin iad .t. Emon crechtach mac Crioin, 
cein no co tarla ^"^ chuici in macaem beoda borrfadach .c. 
Butis. Ro bui seic ^^ imorro ac tairmesc na tren-fer teiched 
do denam re n-Emon. Acus mar da bui-sium amlaid sin 
ac tren-gresacht caich do chum in chomlaind tanic Emon 
chuici gan airigud co tuc buiUi ^^ do thuaig trium Tiabanda 
do ^® CO ro dluig 7 co ro dianscail a chend ^^ ar do ^^ air. Acus 
ro chuir Ipaiss sacart Apaill comrac 'na diaid sin ris 7 i 
foircind in chomruic do rochair-sium re ^^ h-Emon. Acus ^^ 
ar n-a thuitim leis ro fobair Pohtes sacart do Baich .t. deu 

* Eg. omits. 
^ fain-gleanuta. 

9 fo'n. 

" Eg. omits. 
19 fo. 
«* dluith. 

10 for. 
15 tendib. 
*° torchratax. 
^ sluigh. 

» Eg. add* dd. so Eg. omits. 

* rethfedis. 

^ aithgirma. 
11 dromm. 
1^ imchrais. 
21 Caon. 
2« Eg. omits. 

31-31 j^j. ado. 

3 bninne. 

" lamaib. 
1- loiscfider. 
1' rignidh. 
^2 sin. 
^ tainic. 
32 le. 

* MS. turscana. 

8 f 0. MS. repeats na. 
13 Eg. omits. 
1^ innsaighL 
^ Grecacha. 
2' side. 
32 Eff. omita. 


torrents from high, rough mountains, which dig up and carry 
with them the surface of the earth, and fill therewith the 
hollow glens beneath. 

Now Idas son of Onchestus a Theban came forward ; 
and thus he was with flaming, scorching firebrands in his 
hands. He flung them among the hosts, and the Grecian 
troops were terrified thereat. As he was thus occupied, 
Tydeus the son of the King of Calydon approached him and 
gave the man a vigorous thrust with a spear, so that he 
fell with his back flat on the ground and the red firebrands 
upon the top of him. Tydeus addressed him thus : ' You 
shall no longer bum the heroes of Lerna, ^.e. of the Greeks. 
Nevertheless you shall be fitly served, for your carcase will 
be turned into very fine dust, burned by the red-sided 
brands which you yourself carried.' When he had thus 
done he turned upon the Theban hosts like a bloody, 
furious tiger among a herd of cattle, and these five royal 
warriors fell by his hands in that onset, viz. the heroic Aon, 
the very valiant Pholus, triumphant Chromis, the warlike 
Helicon, and Taeges (?) mighty brave. 

But not fewer were the slaughters which the veteran 
Haemon wrought upon the Grecian hosts. Nor was his 
wrath sated with the ardour with which he quickly slew 
them. Where the ranks were closest he hewed them down. 
And though the bloody champions of Calydon, the stern 
warriors who followed Tydeus, were valiant, that mighty 
Theban, the wound-dealing Haemon son of Creon, pierced 
their ranks and thinned them. At length the courageous, 
stem youth Butis encountered him. Now he was checking 
the warriors and urging them not to give way to Haemon. 
And as he was thus engaged strongly inciting the others to 
the conflict, Haemon came upon him unperceived and struck 
him with a heavy Theban axe and clove and violently split 
his head in two. Thereafter Hypanis priest of Apollo 


FoLi9bi. in n-(fh)ina debaid agmar aicbe(i)l ris 7 do rochair dno^ 
in fer sin do laim Emon croda cetna ; 7 ger' ba sacart sin 
nir ba sruitheada anaideada^ re h-Emon. Acus ro foi- 
bredar^ dias aili do Grecaib 'na diaid sin^ .t. Hiperion^ 7 
Damasus daig-echtach, 7 torcradar lesium iad. 

Cid tra acht ro bo dith ar Grecaib do'n gleo sin innne * 
beth Meneru(a) ban-dei in gaiscid ac imguin' leo. Et® 
ro bui Ercail ac gabail re Tiabandaib, uair ro bo dei in tan 
sin h-e. Ro ^chomraic itir in^ dei sin ar lar in chatha .t. 
itir^o Ercoil 7 Minerba. ^^Is ed ro raid Ercoil: 'A siur 
inmain,' ar se, ' a Minerba, ca h-ecendal ^^ ro imluaid ind ^^ 
aroen i cend aroile is in chath-sa na n-Grec 7 na Tiabanda, 
uair ro p'usa ^^ lim-sa tachur re m'athair uasal, re h-Ioib, ina 
rit-su, a Menerua. Uair ba mor do coscur chathbuadach 
ruca-sa tre d'cumachta-sa,^^ 7 cetaigim^^ dit, a ingen ma 
sa thindenus let an Teib do thogail.' Ro chetaig-sium 
imorro and sin 7 ro cendsaich Menerba o briathraib ailgenaib 
Ercail ; 7 ro acaib in cath iar sin ; 7 ro imgaib dno ^'^ Ercoil 
Emon gan ^^ beth ac fortacht do 7 ro leicsead comdilsi iter 
na curadaib. 

Ba h-anmainditi tra Emon ac airlech ^^ na n-Grec Ercoil 
da acbail ^o amlaid sin, 7 ro airig Emon Tiabanda gan air- 
sigecht 'na urcharaib 7 gan bailci 'na buillib. Ro impo 
CO h-athlom do dochad ^^ as in chath. Adchondairc ^^ imorro 
mac rig na Calidone Emon ac teched tuc urchur n-inell 
diuriuch ^3 chuici cor' ben in t-(s)leg iter bili in sceith 7 a 
cathbarr ina munel, 7 ger' ba beo 'na diaid ro bo crom- 
cend 2^ caichi. Acus ni ro samail silliud dar a eis ar gnuis 
in gaiscedaig ro gon ^^ h-e, uair nir ba tualaing tachair ris, 
acht ro ela ^^ 7 ro facaib in cath ar sin. 

* Eg. omits. 

2 anaigheada. 

^ opratar. 

* Eg. adds Emon. 

^ Iperion. 

• mana. 

^ imluamain. 

8 Eg. omits. 

^-^ choinraicsit na. 

10 Eg. omits. 

" Eg. inserts 7- 

12 h-eciindail. 

^^ etrainn. 

" p'oiisa. 

15 cumachtaib. 

1'^ cetaigim-si. 

^^ Eg. omits. 

18 Eg. adds a. 

1^ oirlech. 

20 facbail. 

21 dul. 

22 od'chondairc. 

23 diriglie(?). 

2* crom-cendaoh. 

^ ru-s-gon. 

26 elo. 

[It is not proposed to print more of this MS. in the meantime. 
The text is here brought to Fol. 196 1, VI th line from foot of column.^ 


fought a duel against him, the issue of which was that 
Haemon slew him. After he had fallen Politas a priest of 
Bacchus fastened a fierce, angry quarrel upon him, and he 
too fell by the hand of the same valorous Haemon. Although 
these were priests their destruction was none the more 
matter of concern to Haemon. Then two other Greeks, 
Hyperenor and stout Damasus, challenged him, and were 
slain by him. 

Now it was a great loss to the Greeks in that battle that 
Minerva the goddess of valour was not fighting on their 
side. For Hercules favoured the Thebans, and he was a 
god at that time. These two, Hercules and Minerva, fought 
in the centre of the field when Hercules spoke thus : ' Beloved 
sister,' said he, ' Minerva, what mischance has brought us 
to this battle between Greeks and Thebans on opposite 
sides. I would prefer to quarrel with my noble father 
Jove than with you, Minerva. I achieved many triumphs 
and battle victories through your powerful aid. If you 
desire the destruction of Thebes, be it so ; I leave the 
matter in your hands.' Then they parted. Minerva was ap- 
peased by the gracious words of Hercules and thereupon left 
the field ; Hercules also ceased to aid Haemon further. 

Now Haemon found his assaults upon the Greeks much 
less effective when Hercules had thus forsaken him. The 
Theban hero now found his casts missing their aim, his 
blows losing their force. He quickly turned to leave the 
field. But when the son of the King of Calydon saw Haemon 
retreating, he made a shrewd, straight cast with his spear 
which pierced Haemon' s neck, finding an opening between 
the rim of his shield and his helmet. And though he lived 
he was ever after wry headed. Nor did he venture to look 
back on the face of the hero who wounded him, for he dared 
not face him, but he sneaked away and then left the battle. 

VOL. X. X 



Rev. a. W. Wade-Evans 

{Continued from page 227) 

The Excidium Britannice ^ must have been completed at the 
very latest by a.d. 725, because it had already come into the 
hands of Bede, who quoted largely from it in his De temporum 
ratione, which he wrote in that year.^ Consequently, as forty- 

^ In this article I revert to the form Britannia in lieu of Brittania, which I 
fancy I must have adopted from Sir John Khfs's 'the theoretically correct spelling 
Brittania' (Celtic Britain, 3rd ed., 211). Professor J. Morris Jones in his Welsh 
Grammar, 1913, pp. 4-6, demonstrates that Britto, singular of Brittones, is for an 
earlier Britann(os), pi. Britanni. Similarly we have a late Brittia for Brita/nnia. 
The form Britannia survives in Middle Welsh Brydein, a variant of the more usual 
Prydein, which last is a Middle Welsh survival of Britannia. The view now 
generally held that such pairs as Britannia and Britannia are unrelated ' rests on no 
other basis than the assumption that British p- could under no circumstances pass 
into b-. The fact, however, is that Pritan- and Britan- are synonymous.' The P- 
goes back through Diodorus Siculus probably to Pytheas (fourth century B.C.). Polybius 
(second century b.c.) seems to have used B-, but Strabo and Diodorus have P- ; later 
Ptolemy and Marcian used P-. Stephanus of Byzantium (c. a.d. 500) wrote B- twice, 
remarking that others used P- ; elsewhere Stephanus himself wrote P-. 

The surviving forms show that the old P- forms had one t ; thus Welsh Prydain 
(Britain), Middle Welsh Prydein, implies Pritannia, and Irish Cruithnech (Pictish) 
implies a Pictish Pritenikos. The forms with -on- had -tt- ; thus Welsh Brython 
comes from Brittones, Breton Brezonek comes from Brittonika, and Middle Irish 
Bretain (Britons) represents Brittones regularly. It was this new form Brittorus 
which caused Britannia to be spelt with -tt-. There is (as Professor Morris Jones goes 
on to show) no possible doubt that this oldest B- form is Britann-. 

Professor Morris Jones demonstrates further that the Picts were Britons, as shown 
by the fact that p, from the Aryan consonant which we must print here qu, abounds in 
Pictish names. The Picts retained the P- in their own name, which also survives in 
the Welsh Prydain, Britain ; in this way they came to be distinguished from the 
Southern Britons, who called themselves Brittones. The appellation, Picti, which is 
not known to occur before a.d. 297, seems to be a Latin translation of Pritenes (whence 
the Welsh Pryden, Picts), explained as meaning ' figured ' (cognate with Welsh pryd 
and Irish cruth), just as Welsh Brithwyr, Picts, is a translation of Picti. 

Lastly, there is an Italo-Keltic root, which means ' chalk ' or ' white earth,' giving 
Latin creta and Welsh pridd, loam, Irish ere. 'It may have yielded the name 
Britannia meaning the island of the white cliffs.' 

2 Opera Bedce (1843), vi. 312, 315-20. Bede does not name the Badonic Hill in 
his De temporum ratione (ibid., 320) as in his Hist. Bed, I 16. In the former, where 


three years had elapsed, since the Battle of the Badonic Hill, 
when the author of the Excidium Britannice was writing, 
that battle could not have occurred later than a.d. 725 minus 
43, that is, a.d. 682. 

We have seen that for forty-three years there had virtually 
been no fighting between the Britanni and the Saxones. There 
were three quarters where such fighting might have taken 
place : in the north, between the Strathclyde Britons and the 
Northumbrians ; in the middle, between the Welsh of Wales 
and the English on their borders ; and in the south, between 
the Devonian Welsh and the West Saxons. In a passage 
remarkable for its bearing on this point, Bede tells us 
(Hist. EccL, iv. 26) that the Strathclyde Britons regained 
their liberty, which they had now enjoyed for about forty-six 
years, in consequence of the overthrow of King Egfrid of 
Northumbria at the hands of the Picts on May 20th, 685. 
The king had rashly led his army in angustias inaccessorum 
montium, into a narrow pass amid inaccessible mountains, 
where he was slain with the greater part of his forces. It 
was a crushing defeat from which Northumbria never 
recovered. ' It marks an epoch,' says Bright,^ ' it closes a 
period, — the period of the great Northumbrian kings.' 
Bede does not name the battle, but it is given elsewhere as 
Nechtansmere, identified with Dunnichen, near Forfar. The 
Britons knew it as Gueith Lin Garan, the Action at Lin 
Garan, where doubtless Lin, modern Welsh llyn, a lake, is 
the equivalent of mere (Historia Brittonum, ch. 57). These 
names might not exclude an obsessio Badonici montis, siege 
of the Badonic Hill, as an incident of the death grapple amid 
the inaccessible mountains.^ It is precisely the kind of con- 
test we are looking for, decisive, achieved by unexpected help, 

he is following the Excidium Britannice^ ch. 26, he has et ex eo tempore nunc hi, nunc 
illi palmam hahuere donee advena potentior tota per longum potiretur insula, and from 
that time now these, now those, held the palm of victory until the more powerful 
stranger became master of the whole island throughout its length. 

^ Early English Church History, 377-8. 

2 It may even be said for what it is worth that there is a Badanden Hill in the 
extreme north-west of Forfarshire. 


and followed by at least forty-three years of peace. 
But from what has been said above, it seems evident that 
the Badonic Hill was fought at least three years prior to 

We must, therefore, quit the north as the scene of the 
contest and the (at least) forty-three years of peace which 
followed, and confine our attention to the two quarters in 
southern Britain where such incidents were possible — Wales 
and the Devonian peninsula. 

If, then, we look to Wales, we find that the Northum- 
brians, who had long been aggressive against the Britanni of 
the north, had under Ethelfrith (died 617) and Edwin (died 
633) turned their attention to the Britanni of the south. 
Bede says of Ethelfrith that he ravaged the Britons more 
than all the kings of the English, that he conquered more 
territories from them than any other, subduing them, 
making them tributary, and driving them out. Although 
much and even most of this refers to contests with Britons of 
the north, yet in 616-17 we find him fighting southern Britons 
at Chester, slaughtering twelve hundred of their monks 
who had entered the field to pray for their compatriots* His 
successor, Edwin, carried Northumbrian aggression across 
the sea, reducing under his dominion not only the Isle of 
Man but even Anglesey. It was at this critical juncture in 
the history of Wales that Cadwallon, king of Gwynedd, 
entered into close alliance with Penda, king of Mercia. This 
was a coup d^ eclat as well as a coup de mattre, for Cadwallon 
was a Christian and Penda a heathen. From that moment 
the Northumbrian power began to be checked. In 633 
Edwin was slain by the allied kings at Haethfelth or Meicen, 
In 634 Cadwallon fell at Rowley Water. In 642 Oswald of 
Northumbria was killed at Maserfelth or Cocboy ^ on the 
Welsh border, which indicates the presence of Britons in the 
contest ; and in 655 Penda perished with allied British 

^ Cocboy in the Historia Brittonum, 65, and the Annales Cambrice ( Y Cymmrodor, 
ii. 158). In Cynddelw's Can Tyssilyaw it is Gweith Ooguy (Sir Ed. Anwyl's Y 
Oogynfeirddf 66). Such forms in modern Welsh might be Cogvwy and Cogvy. 


kings on the banks of the K. Went ^ in S.E. Yorkshire. 
Northumbria was supreme awhile, but under Penda's vaUant 
son, Wulfhere (659-75), the northern supremacy was rolled 
back. Henceforth we hear of no more fighting between 
Britanni and Saxones in this quarter, so that if the Badonic 
Hill was an incident of this particular struggle we should 
expect to find its occurrence in the early years of Wulfhere' s 
reign. 2 

Haethfelth or Meicen, where Edwin was killed in 633, has 
never been identified. The common English view is that 
it was Hatfield, near Doncaster ; the Welsh traditional view 
places it near the Breiddin Hills on the borders of Mont- 
gomeryshire and Shropshire. I would not digress here to deal 
with this battle, were it not for a notable coincidence which 
just raises a shadow of possibility that it may be the same 
as the Badonic Hill. This coincidence I must now mention. 

An early Welsh mediaeval poem called Marwnad Cad- 
wallon, an Elegy on Cadwallon, printed in Skene's Four 

^ Bede (fl. E.^ iii. 24) states that the battle was fought near the K. Winwaed, Oswy 
finishing the war in the district of Loidis. The Historia Brittonum, 64, calls it strages 
Gai campi (one MS. reads Giti, the Annaleg Camhrice has gaii). Mr. Phillimore 
identifies the river with the Went in S.E. Yorkshire, once called Wynt (Owen's 
Pemhrokeshirey ii. 283). Loidis is usually identified with Leeds. In the Cambridge 
Medieval History, ii. 544, it is identified with Ledstone, near Pontefract, ' where the 
road from London to York crossed the river Aire.' 

2 There is no record of fighting between":Wales and Mercia during the reigns of 
Penda (d. 655), Wulfhere (d. 675), ^thelred (retired 704), Coenred (retired 709), and 
Ceolred (d. 716). ' The border conflict which no doubt went on incessantly during 
this period ' is a mere assumption of Professor J. E. Lloyd (History of Wales, 197). It 
is not till 722 that contests in South Wales are mentioned, viz. the Battles of Pencon 
and Gart Mailauc, in both of which the Welsh were victorious. Even these may not 
have been fought against Mercia, as they are mentioned in conjunction with a third 
British victory at Hehil in the Devonian peninsula, and their sites may be Pencoed 
and Garth Mailwg not far from the Glamorgan coast. 

King Penda of Mercia was the son of Pybba, the son of Creoda, the son of 
Cynewald, the son of Cnebba, the son of Icel. This was ' the oldest and most noble 
family, who were called Iclingas.' St. Guthlac (d. 714) belonged to it, his father 
being Penwall, which Sir John Rh^s treats as a Welsh surname signifying ' of the 
Wall's End ' {Celtic Folklore, 676). From the known dates of Penda, it is clear that 
the Iclingas flourished in the English midlands as early as the fifth century. Sir John 
Rhf s refers to other un-English names in this family, including Pybba, Penda, and 
Peada {ihid., 676). Here we may find a racial cause for the long Mercian- Welsh 


Ancient Books of Wales, ii. 277, fixes Meicen near the 
Breiddin Hills and the R. Severn. Meicen was the name of a 
district which extended below Berriew in Montgomeryshire, 
on the left bank of the Severn, and probably also over a 
strip along the right bank of the river, taking in the Long 
Mountain and the Breiddin Hills. ^ Now the notable coin- 
cidence is, that within this ancient district as here defined 
is discovered the only known site of a Badonic Hill, In the 
thirteenth century we find it called Kaer Vadon, that is, 
Caer Vaddon, the Fort of Baddon, and the reference to it 
is in the mediaeval Welsh tale Rhonabwy's Dream (see 
White Book Mahinogion, 105 ; Guest's Mabinogion, Every- 
man's Library, 141). Rhonabwy fancies that he is going 
towards Rhyd y Groes (the Ford of the Cross) on the 
Severn. At the ford he meets Arthur and his suite. Later 
on ..ley cross the ford ^parth a chevyn digoll, towards Cevn 
DigoU, i.e. the Long Mountain. Arthur and his army then 
dismount od is kaer vadon, below Caer Vaddon. Mr. 
Egerton Phillimore, the brilliant and by far the greatest 
exponent of Welsh place-names, shows conclusively that 
Rhyd y Groes on the Severn is at Buttington Bridge, and 
identifies Caer Vaddon with the round camp on the Black 
Bank or spur of the Long Mountain, south of Cwm y Sul, 
and about a mile and a half E.S.E. of Buttington Bridge.^ 
It is the presence of this Badonic Hill in the old district of 
Meicen which seems to hint at the possibility of the ohsessio 
Badonici montis being no other than the Battle, or a part of 
the Battle, of Haethfelth or Meicen, 

* Meicen is a 'tribal' name derived from Meic, one of the brothers of Brochwel 
Ysgythrog, king of Powys, whose grandson Selyv ab Cynan was slain in the Battle 
of Chester (616-17) : see Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii. 183. The old district name of 
Meicen appears to have covered the country below Berriew on the left of the Severn, 
towards the R. Vyrnwy, which country afterwards bore comparatively modern 
territorial names, ' and perhaps also extended over a strip along the right bank of the 
river, including the Long Mountain and the Breiddin Hills.' Mr. Phillimore refers 
me to the forthcoming volume of Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii. 624. 

» Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii. 617-19. The old erroneous view was that Ehyd y 
Groes lay between Berriew and Forden, but the tale implies that it was below Welsh- 
pool and not above it. 


The Battle of Meicen, however, would imply a site so 
called and not a district {e.g. a Battle of Chester is possible 
but not a Battle of Cheshire). Then there are indications 
that it was not fought on the Welsh border at all but in or 
near Deira (Lloyd's History of Wales, 186). Possibly the 
Welsh knew it by a name identical with, or not dissimilar to, 
their own familiar Meicen, and confounded the two in later 
times. Mr. Phillimore notes the Meden river in Sherwood 
not far from Edwinstowe (Nottinghamshire). Lastly, the 
Battle of Meicen (unless perhaps it can be shown that no 
further aggressions were made on the Welsh) could hardly be 
regarded as having begun the period of peace which lasted 
at least forty-three years, seeing that Cadwallon fell at Rowley 
Water the following year, and that the Welsh continued (as 
certainly at the Battle of the R. Went in 655) to assist Mercia 
in the struggle with Northumbria. I, therefore, leave Meicen 
as I did Nechtansmere, neither of which satisfactorily meets 
the data required. As I have said above, if the Badonic 
Hill is an incident in the struggle between the Welsh and 
the Northumbrians, we must expect to find its occurrence 
in the early years of the reign of Wulfhere (659-75). 

Turning now to the borders of the Devonian Welsh, we 
cannot doubt but that the friendship which the Mercians 
had formed with the Britanni of Wales was also extended to 
the Britanni of the Devonian peninsula. There is a notice 
opposite 614 of Cjniegils and Cwichelm fighting and 
slaughtering many Welsh at a place called Beandune which. 
has not been identified. But not until 658, that is, three 
years after Penda's death, is war between Britanni and 
Saxones resumed. In that year Cenwalh puts the Welsh to 
flight as far as the R. Parrett in Somerset. During the 
Easter of 661 Cenwalh fights at Posentes-burh, a place not 
identified, though often wrongly so, with Pontesbury in 
Shropshire. Nor is it stated with whom Cenwalh was 
fighting, but if Mr. Phillimore' s suggestion is right that the 
place was Posbury, near Crediton, in Devon,^ it must have 

* Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii. 262. 


been with the Welsh. This means that Wulfhere was in 
alliance with the Devonian Britanni, for he checks from 
the rear the operations of Cenwalh against them, Wulfhere 
that same Easter ravaging Wessex as far as Ashdown. So 
thoroughly was Wessex beaten that Wulfhere strips that 
kingdom of the Isle of Wight and its other Jutish portion 
on the mainland opposite, and hands them over to the king 
of Sussex. From 661 the only record of fighting between 
Britanni and Saxones in this quarter for well-nigh fifty 
years is an isolated and somewhat vague entry opposite 682, 
that Centwin drove the Britons to the sea. With this single 
exception it was a period of peace till 710. If, then, the 
Badonic Hill was fought in this neighbourhood, it must have 
been some time not earlier than 661 and not later than 710 
minus 43, that is, a.d. 667. 

Thus we discover that along the two Welsh borders in 
southern Britain, that of Wales and the country between the 
Severn Sea and the English Channel, where fighting between 
Saxones and Britanni was possible, a period of peace extend- 
ing over forty-three years set in about the mid-seventh cen- 
tury,^ at which time in consequence we should expect the 
decisive victory at the Badonic Hill to have occurred. More- 
over, we discover that this tranquil period was due to an unex- 
pected alliance between the Welsh and the Mercians, and it is 
remarkable that the author of the ExcidiumBritannice in hark- 
ing back over forty-three years to the famous victory speaks 
of it as due to insperatum auxilium, unlooked-for assistance, 
which came about after the astonishing ruin of the island. 

^ Professor J. E. Lloyd (History of Wales, 191), speaking of the mid-seventh century, 
notes that ' it forms an epoch of great importance in the history of the Welsh people ; 
it closes the period of definition, during which they were gradually marked off,' etc., 
etc. Geoffrey of Monmouth had observed the same thing (Historia Begum BritannicE, 
xii. 15-19), and was followed by Brut y Tywysogion. Professor Lloyd attributes 
the occasion to the Battle of the R. Went in 655, Geoffrey to the incidents surrounding 
the Death of Cadwaladr, which he fixes in 689 owing to his erroneous identification of 
the Welsh king with Ceadwalla of Wessex, who did die in this year. 

A right understanding of the Excidium Britannice indicates that the crucial year 
was that of the Badonic Hill, which occurred at the very time that Cadwaladr died 
and the Great Pestilence was raging, viz. 664-5. 


Now in the ancient Latin Welsh Chronicle, the so-called 
Annales Cambrice, completed in the mid-tenth century from 
older materials, although of course we duly find the legendary 
Bellum Badonis, Battle of Badon, with reference to Arthur, 
etc., etc., opposite [516], yet we also find opposite [665] an 
obscure entry, which the tenth - century chronicler has 
happily rescued from oblivion, though he does not 
appear to have had any idea of its importance. This 
entry is Bellum Badonis secundo, the Battle of Badon 
for the second time. Striking out the word secundo 
as due to the misconception popularised by Bede that 
the original Badon was fought about forty-four years 
after the Saxon Advent, we appear to have no other 
alternative than to accept this as the original Badon in 

I conclude, therefore, that the one and only Battle of the 
Badonic Hill to which the Excidium Britannice refers, which 
Bede mis-dated, and which post-Bedan writers in conse- 
quence identified with an Arthurian contest, is that 
mentioned in the Annales Cambrice opposite annus ccxxi., 
which in the era of that document is 665. 

The Year implied for the Saxon Advent is 514 

Accepting 665 as the date of the victory, we can deter- 
mine the year when the author of the Excidium Britannice 
deemed the Saxones to have first landed from their three 
ships, for if 665 be the first year of peace, then the century 
and a half of warfare which preceded it commenced in 514. 
And this year, 514, is a West Saxon date for an invasion 
of Wessex. In the Parker MS. of the Saxon Chronicle we 
read : — 

514 [MS. A]. — Here came the West Saxons, Stuf and 
Wihtgar, to Britain with three ships at a place which 
is called Cerdicesora ; and they fought against the 
Britons and put them to flight. 



In the Laud MS. of the Chronicle this remarkable entry 
appears in another form, no less remarkable : — 

514 [MS. E]. — Here the West Saxons came to Britain 
with three ships at the place which is called Cer dices- 
ora ; and Stuf and Wihtgar fought against the Britons 
and put them to flight. 

Whichever of these two forms of the entry is nearer the 
original, both are notable, the first, in that Stuf and Wihtgar 
should be expressly styled ' West Saxons ' ; the second, in 
that after the mention of Cerdic and Cynric's arrival in 495, 
and Port's arrival in 501, we should now be told that ' the 
West Saxons came to Britain.' 

As I need not remind my readers, the story of the in- 
vasion of Wessex as set forth in the Saxon Chronicle, which 
is our only source of information, is in a very manifest state 
of confusion.^ I propose to deal with this matter in a 
separate article. In the meantime it is enough to draw 
attention to the peculiarity of the above entries, in both of 
which it is insisted that the year 514 marked the arrival 
of West Saxons (that MSS. A and E should give diverse 
forms of the entry is in itself noteworthy). It was the year 
when Stuf and Wihtgar were prominent, who are elsewhere 
associated with the Isle of Wight. Cerdicesora has not been 
identified, but it was obviously in Hampshire. Hence it is in 
Hampshire that we m^ust look for that first coming of the 
Saxones to which the Excidium Britannice refers as having 
occurred some no small interval after a.d. 446 in orientali 
parte insulce, in the eastern division of the island. 

The Excidium Britannice was written in 708 

Moreover, as 665 was the date of the great victory and 
forty-three years had elapsed when our author was writing the 
little book which has had such far-reaching consequences in 

* See especially Munro Chadwick's Origin of the English Nation, 1907, pp. 20-34. 
Also Cambridge Medieval History, i. 389. And for a more popular account Oman's 
England before the Norman Conquest^ 223-8. 


English and Welsh historical literature, it follows that the 
actual year in which he was putting his notions together 
was 665 plus 43, that is, a.d. 708. If we knew when he 
commenced his years, we could even tell the month in 
which he was writing, for he says it was the forty-fourth 
year with one month gone since the Badonic Hill. Thus he 
sat down to his task in 708, the second month of the year. 

The Chronological Framework of the Excidium 


1 must now set forth in modern terms the chronology of 
the loss of Britain by the Welsh as conceived by our author. 
Try as I would, I could not conduct my argument with 
greater clarity than you find. Here, however, are the simple 
results which may be grasped at a reading. 

383-388. The Welsh, occupying the whole island of Britain, 
combined under Maximus to throw off the Roman 
yoke. Maximus by draining the island of all its 
military strength exposes it for the first time in its 
history to the attacks of two foreign nations from over 
the water, the Scots from Ireland, and the Picts 
from some northern habitat beyond John o' Groats. 
388-407. In consequence of these attacks, the Welsh 
appeal for aid to Rome. Twice are Roman legions 
sent to their assistance, after which the Romans 
leave the island for ever. The two walls are erected 
for the first time, the Wall of Antonine and the Wall 
of Hadrian ; also the Forts of the Saxon Shore. 
407-446. The Welsh abandon the defence of Scotland, 
north of the Wall of Hadrian. Scotland is seized by 
Picts and Scots, who continue their ravages south- 
446. The Welsh appeal to Rome for the third time. 
' To Aetius in his third consulship, come the Groans 
of the Welsh,' etc. No help comes. 


446-514. The Welsh win their first victory over the 
Picts and Scots. The Scots go back to Ireland. 
The Picts retire beyond the WaU of Antonine and 
begin to settle in that northern part of the island for 
the first time. Southern Scotland is thus restored 
to the Welsh. A period of unprecedented prosperity 
succeeds. It ends with a fourth arrival of Picts 
and Scots. A famous pestilence. The Welsh take 
counsel, and ask the English to come to their help. 

514. The English arrive for the first time. They land 
in three ships in the eastern portion of the island. 

514-664. The English rebel against the Welsh and drive 
them completely from the eastern side of southern 
Britain into Strathclyde, Wales, and the Devonian 
peninsula. Ambrosius Aurelianus, the last of the 
Romans, rallies the Welsh and manages in a victory 
to save them from extinction. The whole period 
constitutes a century and a half of warfare. 

665. The great victory of the Badonic Hill. Warfare 
between English and Welsh ceases. There is now 
to be a century and a half of peace, after which the 
English will cease to occupy Britain. Birth of the 
author of the Excidium Britannice. 

708. This is the forty-fourth year of the great peace, 
in the second month of which the author of the 
Excidium Britannice is writing his treatise. 

Additional Note 

Professor J. E. Lloyd in his History of Wales, p. 161, says : 'The authenticity 
of the De Excidio as a real production of the early sixth century is no longer seriously 
questioned. The MSS. are all of late date, but the extensive use of the work by 
Bede, who mentions " Gildus " by name {H. E., i 22), makes it impossible to suppose 
it of later date than a.d. 700.' The answer to this is, that Bede used the Excidium 
Britannice for his Historia Ecclesiastica, written about 730, and also for his De tem- 
porum ratione, written in 725. The Excidium Britannice, therefore, must have been 
written before a.d. 725. Bede is not known to have used the book prior to this 
date (not even for his De temporibus written in 702-3), which is a quarter of a century 
later than what Mr. Lloyd makes it. 

Again, on p. 142, Professor Lloyd states that the Excidium Britannice was used 



in the seventh century by the author of the Saxon Genealogies. The reference of 
course is to chap. 63 of the Historia Brittonuniy where occurs the following passage : 
in illo autem tempore aliquando hostes, nunc cives vincehantur, at that time sometimes 
the enemy, and now the citizens, were being overcome, with which is to be compared 
the opening of chap. 26 of the Excidium Britannice, namely, ex eo tempore nunc cives, 
nunc hostes, vincebant, from that time now the citizens now the enemy were victorious. 
Doubtless in this the author of the Genealogies shows acquaintance with the Excidium 
Britannice, and it is significant that, whereas Professor Lloyd dates these occasional 
victories in the fifth century, the author of the Saxon Genealogies dates them after 
St. Augustine's mission in Kent, a.d. 597, and in the seventh century. But, not to 
dwell on this, Professor Lloyd's statement assumes that the Saxon Genealogies is a 
seventh- century document. In its present form it certainly is not, for the latest 
known person mentioned is Ecgfrid, son of King Offa of Mercia ; and as Ecgfrid 
only reigned for a few months in a.d. 796, it looks as though that was the year of 
this document's appearance It has been inferred both by Zimmer and Thurneysen 
that an earlier text was composed in 679, whence doubtless comes Professor Lloyd's 
unqualified ascription of the Saxon Genealogies to the seventh century. But the 
passage on which those two scholars rely for their supposition, namely, Egfridfilius 
Osbiu regnauit nouem annis, chap. 65, Ecgfrid, son of Oswy, reigned nine years, may 
easily be due to a slight scribal error, viiii for xiiii ; the latter figure would be correct, 
since Ecgfrith reigned from February 15, 671 to May 20, 685 (see Munro Chadwick's 
Origin of the English Nation, 345). 

There can be no doubt in my mind that chap. 56 of the Historia Brittonum, 
the one dubbed Arthuriana by Mommsen, was originally written independently of 
the Excidium Britannice, and perhaps before it. But the present form of that 
chapter shows indubitable traces of the latter's influence in the matter of Arthur's 
twelfth victory, where it is bunglingly attempted to identify the same with the siege 
of the Badonic HilL Similarly the Saxon Genealogies may originally have been written 
independently of and prior to the Excidium Britannice, but certainly the latter was 
known to the man who cast the Genealogies in the form in which we now have them. 
This, indeed, may account for the absence in them of all reference to the Badonic 
Hill, its tranference to the Arthurian tractate, and its survival in the Annales 


D. M. N. C. 

SlUBHLAiDH sruth 'san duibhre-thr^th gu cuan 

A' seinn a dhuain is fiughair-luaths 'na cheum, 

Ni eoin nan tonn an ciirsa loin thar stuagh 

An suil na fuar-ghaillinn gu 'n dachaidh f ein. 

Is ionnan 's sin bheir mise gaol gu br^th 

Do innis m' 4raich ge b' e aird am bi. 

Is gair a tonn is suaimhneas-fhonn a gr^idh 

A chaoidh 'gam th^ladh gus air m' ais an till. 

Sguabaidh gaoth thar lear ud Innse-Gall, 

Thar chr6ic nam meall is sguird nan gleanntan gorm 


A' gitilan duan na h-ionndrainn-luaidh a nail, 

Ag innse 'n annsachd a tha thallad orm. 

* O, till a ghaoil, O, till chugainn gun d^il, 

Tha sinn fo phramh o'n d'fh^g thu sinn ad dheidh. 

O till a ruin is ligh' ar stiilean blath, 

Is guidhe Naduir 'g agairt teachd do cheum. 

An cluinn thu osann 's gal na mara treun 

'G a bualadh fein ri creagan geur' gun t^mh 

Tha br6n 'na cridhe o'n 's i thug thu an cein 

'S a h-eoin gu leir a' luaidh a mulad-dhain. 

Am faic thu ceann na h-aosda-bheinn f o sgle6 ? 

An cluinn thu dortaidhean a deoir le gleann 1 

Am faic thu niall na h-iarmailt air do th6ir 

'S e 'gealltainn dhomh-sa do thabhairt leis a nail ? ' 

Is l^ir dhomh sin, a chagair gaoil, — is c6rr ; 

Is I6ir dhomh c6rsaichean na h- Eorp' gu l^ir, 

Ach chi mo shtiil aon eilean, — duthaich m'6ig; 

Aon dachaidh sh6nruichte d'an toir mi sp^is. 

Oir chi mi uam an uchd an Tabh 'san lar 

(Far 'n caidil grian 's an coinnich niall an s^il) 

Aon eilean rath, — aon innis fhlath 'bha riamh 

Is ce61 nan siontainnean 'g a chur mu th^mh. 

A dh' aindheoin oath is boile 'n t-saoghail mh6ir, 

A dh' aindheoin n6rr is naimhdeas-chomhrag sluaigh 

Tha sonas, gaol is sith is daonnachd-ch6ir 

A' riaghladh gl6rmhor ann a' sud gu buan. 

Chi mi 'n ceathach 'g ^irigh bbarr a ghniiis, 

A' sgiathadh ciuin is mar ghuth ciuil ro-sh^imh : 

Cha che6 a th'ann, ar leam gur h-ann sud tuis 

A' gitilan urnaighean nam bith gu neamh, 

Chi mi muir a' t6chdadh cas ma 'chuairt 

is thig gu m' chluais guth mhuillein stuagh air tr^igh, 

Ach 's ann le cinnt' 'tha ise 'strith gach uair 

A chumail truaillidheachd gun tigh'n 'na dh^il. 

Mar eadhon ainbhidh 'caidreabh gin a cleibh 

Le barrachd eud 'n uair ni o bh^ud a dhion. 

Mar sin a ph6gas a' mhuir mh6r le d^idh 

A h-innis f heudalach, mo dhachaidh mhiann. 

0, m' innis ruin is beannaicht' cor nan daoin' 

A chaitheas saoghal ann ad shaorsa mh^in, 

0, 's saoibhir iadsan nach robh riamh o d' thaobh 

Is culaidh-dhaorsa sin do neach a th^. 

larraidh truaghain saoibhreas, staid is gl6ir 

Is air an t6ir bidh iad fo le6n gach 1^ : 

Saoilidh 'n t-oUamh gur' h-e oilean chorr 


'N aon iuchair 6ir a dh' fhosglas dorsan Aigh. 
0, 'n fhaoineis mh6r a rinn air gliocas t^ir ; 
A dhibir N^dur is a f^ntean aosd ! 
Blieir dhomh-sa talamh, muir is adhar 's sl^int ', 
Mo dhachaidh 's Nadur ann am innis naoimh. 
Na cluinneam guth air feall-aghartas gun uaill, 
Air oilean fhuar ni 'n t-anam truaillidh breun, 
Ach ^isdeam ce61 na Cruitheachd moir, bith-bhuain 
Is cuiream suas mo thaing le spiorad gleust : 
Dean fuireach beag, a ghaoil, is th^id mi null, 
Na bi fo chiiram ged tha 'n nine mall, 
Oir sgaoilidh se61 ri deathaich bhe6 as iir 
Is i 'gam ghiiilan gu ruig thusa thall. 



Douglas Hyde, LL.D. 

The passage from folio 10^ of MS. V. Edinburgh, which the 
late lamented Professor Mackinnon printed at p. 74 of 
vol. viii. of this Review, ' this very interesting piece of 
lore,' as he characterises it, deserves a further study. 
There are, as he states, brief notices of the Great Queen's ^ 
' Fulacht,' or cooking, in the Yellow Book of Lecan, and H. 
3. 18., Trinity College, Dublin. Petrie, in his History and 
Antiquities of Tara Hill, pp. 213-14, prints all these notices 
in full. With the mention of the Great Queen's Fulacht, 
or cooking apparatus, is generally joined a mention of the 
Dagda's ^ ' Indeoin ' and Deichen's Spit. Thus in one of 
the triads edited by Kuno Meyer,^ we find the following: 
' trede neimthigedar gobainn, Bir Neithin, fulacht na 
morrlgna, inneoin in Dagda,' which Kuno Meyer translates 
' three things that constitute a blacksmith, Neithin' s spit, 
the cooking hearth of the Morrigan, the Dagda's anvil.' 

* The Bellona, or war goddess of the Irish. 

2 The greatest of the Tuatha De Danann, obviously a god, 

3 R. I. A. Todd Lecture Series, yoI. xiiL p. 16. 



But the n of Neithin ^ is obviously the ecUpsing n of the 
neuter word hir, a spit, and the Dagda's anvil is not an 
anvil at all but a cooking-machine. Professor Mackinnon 
also translates it by anvil, which, of course, is the general 
meaning, but the word indeonad, to broil or cook in some 
way, is of constant occurrence in the ' Agallamh na Seno- 
rach,' a thirteenth-century (?) text, and the Indeoin was 
obviously the utensil or gridiron upon which the indeonadh 
was carried out. It is quite plain from the passages I am 
about to quote, that it cannot possibly mean an anvil, as 
an anvil could not have ' twice nine spits and twice nine 

My attention was called to the passages I am about to 
give by a MS. about a hundred and ten years old, which 
Mac GioUa Phadraig (in Enghsh Lord Castletown) gave me 
a few years ago, which he had picked up somewhere in 
Scotland. I found it contained amongst other things a 
quantity of matter belonging to the ' Agallamh na Seno- 
rach,' the longest and most valuable of all the Ossianic sagas, 
things, too, which, as they were neither in O'Grady's nor 
Stokes's edition, pointed to a completely different version, 
containing different matter. The MS. of part of which this 
was a copy, I afterwards found. It is one of the Mac Adam 
MSS., which were bought by the late Bishop Reeves. At 
Reeves's death a number of these, mainly through the 
generosity of my late friend, the Rev. Maxwell Close, f oxmd 
their way into the Royal Irish Academy. ^ Many other 
most valuable MSS., however, were allowed to be scattered 
to the four winds of heaven. This particular MS., of which 
I have made a transcript in Roman letters, is apparently 
a seventeenth-century copy of a thirteenth-century (?) text. 
It is at least twice as long as the hitherto known versions 
given by 0' Grady and Stokes. 

I afterwards found a variant of these passages about the 

^ In the Yellow Book of Lecan he is called Nechin, but in every other case that 
I have met with he is Dechen or Deichen. 

2 See my Literary History of Ireland, note on p. 376, 


Great Queen's ' Fulacht ' in the Book of Lismore. This 
MS. is in the possession of the Duke of Devonshire, but I 
possess a splendid facsimile transcript, line for line, word 
for word, and letter for letter, the same as the original, 
made by the great scribe O'Longan, and afterwards carefully 
compared with the vellum, and from this I transcribe the 
following passages, which I compare with the version in the 
Reeves MS. 

As to this new edition of the ' Agallamh,' I may remark 
that there is probably not a century from the birth of 
Christ onwards that this story does not incorporate in 
itseK some folklore or other concerning it, and in few 
pieces is this tendency to preserve ancient traditions more 
marked than in the following poems,which I have annotated 
as well as I could. I think many of the names mentioned 
represent real or mythological characters drawn from our 
literature. Probably nearly all the names would be found 
to represent, real characters, if only we had the lost 
literature before us in which we might look for them. 

It is hard to reconstruct a picture of the cooking hearth 
and the spit and the Indeoin. They seem to have all 
belonged to the same invention, continuously improved, by 
which water was used as a motive force to turn rows of spits, 
and perhaps gridirons, which were so arranged that they 
could keep at a due distance from the heat, rising when the 
fire was high, and falling when the fire was low, keeping hot 
what was already cooked, and cooking what was raw, and 
melting automatically a proper supply of butter for basting. 
According to the passage in the Yellow Book of Lecan 
Nechin [Deichin] was the chief smith of the Tuatha De 
Danann at Tara. ' He made a spit with motion that it 
might reach the fire.' The MS. H. 3. 18. says that the 
Dagda's Indeoin ' used to lie with the cinders and rise with 
the flame.' The Indeoin is thus described : ' This is how 
it was, a stick at each end of it, and its axle was wood, and 
its wheel was wood, and its body was iron, and there were 
twice nine wheels on its axle that it might turn the faster, 

VOL. X. Y 



and there were thirty spits out of it and thirty hooks and 
thirty spindles, and it was as rapid as the rapidity of a 
stream in turning/ and thrice nine spits, and thrice nine 
cavities (or pots) and one spit for roasting, and one wing 
used to set it in motion.' 

A further notice in the same MS. explains the Great 
Queen's Fulacht thus : ' Three kinds of victuals on it, 
dressed victuals and raw victuals and butter, and the 
dressed food was not burnt, and the raw food was dressed, 
and the butter was not melted but just as was proper.' 
The Yellow Book of Lecan adds ' even though the three 
were together on one spit.' This MS. describes the Indeoin, 
and says, ' It used to be raised to the height of a man when 
it was desired, and it was not higher over the fire another 
time than a fist, on the same legs, without breaking, without 
diminishing — that was natural, for its material was iron.' 

In the Yellow Book of Lecan there is a picture of a 
single spit beside this description, with several joints spitted 
on it, their alternate sides being red, as if done over the fire. 
This redness of course does not show in the facsimile. 

The Dagda, the Great Queen, and probably Deichen, are 
purely mjrthological characters, but surely there must have 
been some historical basis for the description of the spit, 
the cooking-hearth, and the Indeoin. 

[The story has just been told of Caoilte's adventures, and 
how his servant and his two hounds had been swallowed up 
in Loch Gur. One of the Tuatha De Danann who lived in 
a sidh mound near had transformed himself into a deer 
and had tempted them to pursue him into the lake, where 
they were drowned. The name of the De Danann chief 
was Fer Aoi, who is undoubtedly the same being as Fer Fi, 
who is generally supposed to have lived in Cnoc Aine in the 
County Limerick. He was brother to Aine who bit off 
Oilioll Olum's ear, and his father was Eogabal, who had been 

^ Caoilte says that it was not worked without water, i.e. that water was necessary 
to turn it 


killed by OilioU Olum. It was in revenge for this that he 
brought about the battle of Magh Muchruime and the death 
of Eoghan Mor and of Oilioll's seven sons. There is a long 
unedited poem about him in the Book of Leinster, and about 
the enchanted yew tree which he made, which was really 
not a yew tree at all, and which raised the dispute between 
Eoghan Mor and Lughaidh Lagha. See the Battle of 
Magh Muchruime in Silva Gadelica, also vol. ii. p. 575. See 
also Kuno Meyer's Fianaigecht, Todd Lecture Series, 
R. I. A., pp. 32-34, where he is called Fer I.] 

[Translation from the text in the Book of Lismore] 

They passed that night at the Rock of Loch Gair,^ 
sorrowfully, until the early morning of the next day, and 
then they proceeded eastwards into Mairtine of Munster 
and the highway of Cnamhchoill ^ and into the old plain of 
Breogan, and into the Low Ford, and into Bealach na 
nGeinte mBandruagh across the Ford of Connath the son 
of Uneit, and from Findmagh Feimen ^ and Druin Dil meic 
da Chreaca and to Uaran Brain on one side of the fairy 
mound of Feimin,* and they remain there for it was an 
extensive thicket and an uninhabited wood. And Caoilte 
said, ' Let us hunt here.' And this they did. And [the loss 
of] their giUie was a calamity for them. Because it was 
they themselves who had to make ^ a bothy for themselves 
that night, and a broiling-of-food [indeonadh] was made by 
them. And Caoilte and Finnachaidh go down to the stream 
to wash their hands. 

' This is a cooking-place,' said Finnachaidh, ' and it is a 
long time since it was made.' 

' That is true,' said Caoilte, ' and this is the cooking- 
place [Fulacht] of the Great Queen. And it is not to be 
worked ^ without water, and the five sons of Eochaidh of 

1 Now Loch Gur, Co. Limerick. 

2 Now Oleghill, near the town of Tipperary. 
* This was probably Bodb's sidh. 

^ Literally, ' to be made ' or ' done.' 

3 In Co. Tipperary. 
^ Literally, 'made.' 


the Red Eyebrows ^ it was who made it, Fat Fet Flann En 
and Enach, and he made the lay.' 

The cooking hearth of the Great Queen over there 

Escar Aonghabh prepared it, 

The Indeoin of the Dagda that was strong 

of the nice- workmanship of Grinne ^ son of Luchtar. 

Of wood was its central-shaft, of wood its smooth wheel, 

between water and strong fire, 

Of Iron was its body, there was never its like, 

with moving hooks ^ on one of its two forks. 

Twice nine pulleys in its great centre-shaft 
with ready activity a-turning. 
Thirty spits used to project out of it, 
Thirty pot hooks, thirty spindles. 

The sail . . . wonderful its shape — 

Through the vigour of Grinde ... 

On the opposite side were . . . 

The activity of its spits the activity of its [master] spit. 

Thrice nine spits, thrice nine perforations,^ 
From the Indeoin of the brown Dagda 
One [great] spit used to sustain it for cooking^ [1] 
[There] Eochaidh Ollathuir fell.e 

One wing,7 its activity was manifest, 
One man used to set-it-a-going 
Against [?] a huge fire inside yonder ; 
It was a splendid piece-of-smiths-work. 

* He is mentioned in the Dinnseanchas of Ath Liag Finn as having sons con- 
temporaneous with Finn Mac Cumhaill. One of the two provinces of Munster was 
called the ' province of Eochaidh Abhradruaidh,' but in Stokes's Agallamh, p. 33, he is 
called 'righ Uladh atuaidh.' 

2 He is called Drinde'mac Luchair in H. 3. 18. Lucht^, or Luchtaine, or Luchtain, 
was the carpenter of the Tuatha De Danann. 

3 Literally, 'hooks of activity.' * Perhaps for holding the butter. 
^ Or ' to the west ' ? Fuine = cooking, fuined = sunset. 

® This is obscure. It may allude to some story of E. 0. (another name for the 
Dagda) being caught in the apparatus. His name occurs in the Coir Anmann, and is 
explained as Oll-athair, i.e. greater was he than his father, or a great father to the 
Tuatha De Danann was he. See p. 355 Irische Texte, iii. 2 heft. 

^ Sciath, usually * a shield,' is used for sciathan, a wing in ' Cuchulain's sick-bed.' 
— Windisch, Irische Texte^ p. 207. 


The spit of Deichen made by clean Goibniu, 

The cooking-hearth, the Indeoin, were perfected by him. 

He promised that 'smiths triad, '^ 

There was no smith to be compared with Goibniu. 

No smith in Magh Ai ^ is competent 

after Loech, after Ealcha, 

my grief (?), it is not for them it is hard ; 

No more is the cooking-hearth capable of working. 

' That is a joy for us [to hear], Caoilte,' said Finnachaidh, 
'and those were good men.' And they departed to their 
hunting-bothy after that to their companions, and they ate 
what-they-had-cooked [' fulacht '], and they slept on their 

They went forward then till they reached the Plain of 
Thorns and into Mdin-da-glas, and into Slieve Uighi^ of 
Leinster, into Cuhhat of the druidesses, into Dim Cinn, into 
Fotharta feda and to Rath Mhdia mursci, and into Ess 
Gabhair, and across the pool streams of Grissi ^ and to 
Maisten of the Kings. They came into Mullach Maisten ^ 
and to Goibniu's forge. 

' Tell me, Caoilte,' said Finnachaidh, ' was it here the 
weapons for the Battle of Magh Tuireadh were made, and 
Deichin's Spit and the Great Queen's cooking-place and the 
Dagda's Indeoin ? ' 

' In yonder glen, below there, Deichin's Spit was 
made, and Deichin the druid, it was he who made it' 
[said Caoilte]. 

1 See the triad already quoted. Goibniu or Groibhnenn was the amith of the 
Tuatha De Danann. 

2 Thus Reeves MS. 

3 Alitor Sliabh Suidi Laigen, in the diocese of Leithghlinn, now Mount Leinster. 
* The river Griese flows into the Barrow three and a half miles above the town of 


^ MuUaghmast, a name terrible in after times for the awful act of treachery there 
carried out against the O'Mores and their correlatives, is about five miles north-east 
of the town of Athy. 


It was Deichin who made Deichin's Spit 

for (?) Goibhniu in Glen Treichim, 

In the possession of Lugh [the Long-handed] ^ of much valour, 

It was made in the Tribe of Nuadha.^ 


Eleven men in yonder house 

of the fair children of Eithleann, 

They made the manly cooking-place, 

one of the eleven was their lord [i.e. Lugh]. 


Lugh [the Long-handed], Angus 6g of the Brugh,^ 
Cearmat,* Mider,^ the son of Scala. 
Cu and Cian ^ and Ceithean from the plain 
lucharba Uar and luchair.^ 


Lugair Tua Ten who was powerful 
Confa, Aicher, most lovely the band, 
Eni the small, and Eni the big, 
Gola the stammerer, and Cess6n. 


In the time of Eirimoin from the South ^ 
In Tara, strong the conflict. 
Nine men rose up to attend to it 
of the children of Mile of Spain. ^ 

* The leader of the Tuatha De Danann, the hero of the Battle of Moytura, whose 
father was the Eithleann mentioned in the next verse. 

2 Nuada or Nuadu of the silver hand, king of the Tuatha De Danann. See Battle 
of Moytura. 

3 i.e. Angus of the Boyne, constantly mentioned in Irish romance. 

* These were sons of the Dagda himself. 

^ Son of Diancecht, and father of the god Lugh the Long-handed according to 

6 Gods of the Tuatha De Danann. 'Brian' is generally substituted for Uar. 
Their death is told in the saga of the Death of the Children of Tuireann. 

'' When the Milesians conquered the Tuatha De Danann, Eremoin, son of Milesius, 
took the north of Ireland. From him come the Eremonian families, i.e. the great 
reigning families of Ulster, Connacht, and parts of Leinster. 

8 i.e. of the Milesians in contradistinction to the Tuatha De Danann, who had 
made the spit. 



In the time of lugoine ^ the celebrated, 

[Presiding] over Deichin's Spit belonging to the Daghdha 

There were eight men in Tara of the flocks 

who were able to keep it working. 


Aighe and Lughaidh of the ales, 
Croine and Ere and Eilleann [and] 
Three sons of Glas from Glen an Scdil 
Often used they come to it. 


With the king of celebrated beauty 
whose name was Eochaidh Feidhleach ; ^ 
One man and six [i.e. seven], fair the lot, 
were at the cooking of Goibniu's Spit. 


Eoghan Eireann, Eochaidh the Rough 
and Cobhthach who used to hurl weapons, 
Lughaidh, Finn, Fiacha of the feasts, 
Moran and Daire of the white teeth. 

King Conor in Emania ^ had 
Deichin's spit after him [Eochaidh], 
Five warriors and one woman, no lie. 
Who were able to attend and work it. 

^ lugain or Ugaine the Great, celebrated for his division of Ireland into twenty- 
five parts. He died, according to the Four Masters, 594 years B.C. There was evi- 
dently once a cycle of saga-telling centring round him and his sons Laeghaire, Lore, 
Cobhthach, and Breagh, and his grandson Labhraidh Loingseach. The names here 
mentioned are perhaps taken from such a cycle, now lost. 

2 Eochaidh 'Feidleach,' Eochaidh 'of the Long-sighs,' as Keating uncritically 
explains the word, was father of M^ve (Medb), Queen of Connacht, who waged the 
celebrated war of the Tain Bo Chuailgne some time before the Christian era. He 
came to the throne, according to the Four Masters, a hundred and forty-two years 
before Christ. 

^ King of Ulster and the Ked Branch. Cuchulain fought under him. 



Naoise ^ and Ceithirnn ^ with victory, 
[King] Conor,3 Cuchulainn the hardy,* 
And Fedlim ^ whom men used to . . . 
Mesdeghadh [Mesgedradh X] ^ son of Amirgin. 


Four men tended the cooking amongst the Fianna, 

One of them was Finn himself, 

Oisin, Caoilte, and loved Diarmid, 

They used to set-going the Spit of Deichen. 


In the time of Lughaidh [the Long-handed] it had ten sides 
And ten edges that were not thin, 

These were in Deichin's Spit of which men used to speak. 
Until the time of Eochaidh Feidhleach. 


In the time of Eochaidh Feidhleach son of Finn 

Bernn a smith who was not feeble 

Makes eight sides and eight edges, of a time, [they lasted] 

Down to [the days of] King Conor of the Red Branch. 


From Conor the high and renowned 
Echelsach of Emania "^ makes 
Six blades, six with sides thereto, v 

Until came Finn the Fenian Prince. 

* He who eloped with Deirdre. 

2 Cethern son of Fintan, for whom see Windisch's Tain Bo Chuailgne^ p. 605 flf., 
where he figures conspicuously, a whole chapter of the Tain being given up to him 
under the title of ' Cethem's bloody wound.' 

3 King of Ulster. ^ ' Fortissimus heros Scottorum.' 

^ This is the 'one woman' mentioned in the last verse. She appears in H. 2. 17., a 
fourteenth-century vellum in Trinity College, Dublin, as one of the ' queens ' of the 
Ulster folk, who by unrobing themselves before Cuchulainn caused him to look down 
out of modesty and so turn aside from the heat of his passion which King Conor 
feared he was about to wreak upon the men of Ulster. I do not know anything else 
about her, but from her being mentioned here she probably figured in some other 

^ Of whose brain the ball was made which lodged in King Concubhair's head. 
^ This smith's son, Amargin Mac Ecelsaiaigh Goband, is several times mentioned 
in the Tdin Bo Cuailgne. The name is variously spelt in the genitive Ecel-salaig, 



A flock of sharp-points ? Finn made, 
A Spit of four sides, fine its points, 
four edges . . . 
Used to be [then] on Deichin's Spit. 

[Text from the Book of Lismore] 

Badur ind oidhchi sin i carraic locha. Gair, co duhhach co 
mucha lai ar na mharach ocus g^a&sat rompu &air, im 
Mairtine Mum^an ocus a slighidh Chnamhcoille ocus a 
senmhagh mBreoghalTZ. ocus in ath issel ocus a mbealac^ na 
ngei/ite mbandruagh, tar ath Conudiith. meic tJneit ocus a 
Fiiid-magh Feimin ocus do druim dil meic da CAreaca, ocus 
CO h-uaran Brain ar lettaibh tshigha Feimin, ocus anaid 
ann, uair droibel fairsing ocus ditreabh fedha hi, ocus atber^ 
Cailti, dentur sealc Und annso, ocus do righneac^^, ocus ba 
dainim doibh an gilla. Uair ba hiat fein do rinde both 
doibh ind oidhchi sin, ocus do rindeadh i7^deonadh leo, ocus 
teit Cailti ocus Findchaidh do innla>dh a lamh chum in 

' Inadh ivlachta so,' ar Findchaidh, ' ocus is cian o do 

* Is fir,' ar Cailti, ' ocus fulacht na morrigna so, ocus ni 
denta gan uisci, ocus cuic mic Eachach Abradruaidh do 
rinde .i. Fat ocus Fet Flann ocus En ocus Enach,' ocus 
do rinde in laidh. 

Fulacht na morrighna anall 
Do gres escair aonghabh. 
Indeoin in Daghdha ba druin 
Do gr^s Grinne mic Luchtair.^ 

Ecet-shalaigh, and in Cormac's Glossary^ Eculsaig (see under ' Greth '). He lived on 
the river, Buais or Bush. In the Booh of Leimter^ p. 117b, his story is told hdi 
goba antra i n- Tlltaib • i • Eccetsalach goba a ainm, etc. His son Amargin afterwards 
became ard-ollamh of Ulster. See T. B. C, p. 697. 

* This verse is omitted in the Keeves MS., which I call R, the page which pro- 
bably contained it being missing. 



Crann a mol, crand a roth reidh 
Etir uisci is theinidh thr^in, 
larand a chorp iar samhail ^ 
Baccain luith ar^ a lethghabhail. 


Da nae ^ roithlenn in a * mhol m6r 
Fa liith athlamh ac imp6dh, 
Tricha bir do bhidls ass 
Tricha drol, tricha fertas.^ 


S^ol saithe ^ ba hingnad cruth ^ 
Ee luth Grinde ^ luchta a ruth 
Don taoibh anall ba treana 
Luth a bir,^ luth a beara. 


Tri nae mbeara, tri nae tuill, 
A hindeoin in Daghdha dhuind, 
Aon bhir no * s • fuilngedh re fuin ^^ 
Focher " Eochaidh Ollathuir.12 


Aen sciath a luth ro bo 16ir ^' 
Do indleadh aoin fher da r^ir 
Astor iheinedh ^^ astigh thall 
Ko bo daithe in gres gabhann.^^ 


Bir Dechten ^^ re Goibnend ^^ nghlan 
Fulacht indeoin ro forbadh 
Treidhe ^^ gobhann sin ro gheall i» 
Nlr thecht gobha re Ghoihhneand. 

» ni bhiodh a shamhail, R. 2 ^^ caoin lucht a, R. 3 f hichit, R. 

* Read ' na ' for ' in a ' for the metre. ^ fantais, R. ^ Raithe, R. 

7 fa coemh a cruth, R. s Greine, R. » dhrol, R. 

JO iar soin R 11 ad chear, R. " Qllathaigh, R. 

" ar a luidh ba leir, R. i4 ar tiir teing, R. 

" nirsat liaitte angels gabhann, R. is ndeichin, R. 

" Fri Goibhnenn, R. is Treicche, R. i^ jodus geall, R. 



Ni tualaing gabha ar mo ga ^ 
Tar eis Laich ^ tar eis Ealcha ^ 
Mo dhaighir * ni doibh is docht 
Ni m6 is tualaing in ivlocht.^ 

' Is gairdiughadh dmnd sin a Chailti,' ar Findchaidh, ' ocus 
is maith in mhuindter sin,' ocus do chuadar da fhianbhoith 
iar sin, do chum a n-aosa cumtha, ocus ro chaithset a 
fhulacht, ocus ro chotailset in a n-imdhaighibh. 
• ••••••• 

Lodur rompu, i cend Maighi Draighen, ocus a Ma>in da 
glas, ocus i sliabh Uighi Laighen. A cubhat na mbandruagh, 
a ndun cind, i fotharta^6^ feda, ocus do raith mhata mursci 
ocus a ness gabhair ocus tar sruth-lindtibh gressi ocus co 
maistin na righ. Tancati^r a mullach maisten ocus co 
ceardcha ghoibhnend. 

' Maith a Chailti,' ar Findchaidh ' in ann so do nghneadh 
airm chatha Mhaighi Turedh ocus bir Deichin, ocus iuiacht 
na Morrighna ocus indeoin in Daghdha ? ' 

' Annsa glend tit tshis do righneac^^- bir Deichiri,' ocus 
DeichiTi drai isse do righne he. 

Deichen do rin bir Deichin 

Ar Goibhnenn ^ a ngliTid Treichim. 

Ar seilb Logha, linibh gal/ 

Do Yoighneadh atreibh Nuadhan.^ 


Aen fher dec isin tigh thall 
Do clandaiJ^ dille Eithleand.* 
Do nith in inlacht ferrdha 
Ba dibhseiTi a tigheama. 

1 a Moigh Ai, R. 2 Loich, R 3 Ealcai, R. 

* Dhaighfhir is doibh is cucht, R. ^ an fear soin, R. ^ gan iomroll, R. 

' A cheville which occurs in the Agallamh as well as in the Tain bo Cuailgne and 

8 dia tskiscceadh a ttreabh Nuadhan, R. • Annan, R. 



Lugh Aonghas 5cc in brogha 
Cermat Midir mac Scala ^ 
Cu Is Ciaw is Ceithean don rahaigh 
lucharbha Uar is luchair.^ 


Re liTid Eirimoin aneas ^ 
I Teamhrai^A, ba tr^n a treas, 
NaoTimar ro ^irigh * na dhdil 
Do chlandaibh Milidh Espain. 


Lugair, Tua, Ten, fa-tend,^ 
Confa, Aicher, aille in dream. 
Gola mend, ocus Cess6n.^ 


Re re lughaine amra 
Os bir DechiTi in Daghdha 
Ochtur i Temhraigh na tr6d 
Ba tualaiwg a iwchoiwi^t. 


Aighe ^ ocus Lughaidh na lenn 
Croine ocus Ere is Eilleand.^^ 
Tri mic Glais a glind in scail 
Trie do theigdis na comhdhail. 


Acc6n ^1 righ ba hamm dath 
Dar comhainm "Kochaidh Feidhl«ac/t, 
Fer ar sheisir, seghdha in dream,i2 
Ac inlacht bheara Goibhneand.^^ 

> Sola, R. 

2 Uar lucharbha lobhar, R. 

3 Rod feas, R. 

* Naonbur theicceadh, R. 

^ Lughar Tuacc Teanbha teann, R. 

6 Caithfhear aillne drem, R. 

7 Ena, R. 

8 Eremhdn, R. 

9 Aodh, R. 

10 Crom agus Earc is lollainn, R. 

" Ag an, R. 

*2 fear is seisear a dream, R. 

^ OS fulacht feadha Goibhneann, R 



Eoghan Eirenn ^ Eochaidh garbh 
Ocus Cobhtac ^ ca.itheadh arm 
Lughaidh Find, Fiacha na fhleadh 
Morann is Daire deidgheal. 


Ro bhoi ic Concuhhur ind Emhuin ^ 
Bir Deichin ina dheghaidh. 
Ciiicer ^ laoch aen ben ni brec, 
Ba tualairig a imchoimhet. 


Naissi ocus Ceithirnn combuaidh 
ConcubuT, GvLchulaind cruaidh, 
Is Feidlim no • s • ioirrgeadh fir * 
Mesdeghadh mac Aimirghein. 


Cethrur mun fhulacht sa Fh^inn 
Ro bo dibhsidhein Find f^in, 
Oisin Cailti Diarmaid dil 
Ro indlidis ^ bir Deichin. 


Deich slesa re lind Lagha 
Deich fhaebhuir, nir bo tana/ 
Ar bir Deichin luaighdis fir 
Co haimser 'Kochach Feidh%A. 


Re h.-Eocha.idh Feidleach mac FiTid 
Gnid Bernn Gobha ^ nar b6 tim 
Ocht slesa is ocht faobhuir uair^ 
Co Concuhnr on Craebhruaidh. 

* Eocchan Earc is, R. ^ Cobhthach Cobhthaigh, R. 
3 ac Conchobhar a n-Eamhuin | Baoi bior ndeichin na dheaghaidh, R. 

* Cuiccear laoch, R. ^ na ffoirrgedis fir, R. 

® Ro innlimis, R. This is right, because Caoilte is speaking, but the mention of 
his name with those of the other Fenians shows how these old poems were pressed 
into the service of the saga-teller, with hardly an alteration. 

^ aith iomghona, R. ^ Do niodh Goibhneann, R. * chruaidh, R. 



O Conchuhur ard amm 
Do nidh Echelsach Eam^na ^ 
Se faobhuir se slessa ar sin 
Co tor acht Find flaithfheindigh. 


Elta dithe 2 do gnith Find 

Bir cheitAri sles, seghdha a rind,^ 

Ceithri faobhuir, iorumh * ndhil, 

Bidis ar in mbir nDheichin. — Deichin. 


William J. Watson, M.A., LL.D. 

The events of the Diarmad and Grainne saga are tradition- 
ally placed in the third century of our era. Grainne, the 
young and beautiful daughter of Cormac mac Airt, High 
King of Ireland, was married to the Pian chief Fionn mac 
Cumhail, who was now elderly. Falling in love with 
Diarmad, the handsomest of the Fian, she prevailed on him 
to elope with her, which they did from the wedding feast. 
The pursuit (Toraighecht) of the pair forms a tale by itself. 
It appears to have ended in some sort of reconciliation, but 
Fionn, characteristically deep-minded, bided his time, and 
the poem given below shows the manner of his revenge. 
Careful study of the versions discloses as the proximate 
cause a gambling match (imirt) between Fionn and Diarmad, 
the latter of whom especially was noted for his skill in the 
game. The conditions were, as usual in such cases, fixed 
definitely. If Diarmad won, we are to suppose, though this 
part is not actually stated, that he was to be entitled to 
choose whatever he liked (a rogha), and the natural choice 
would be the lady Grainne. If, on the other hand, Diarmad 

* airdri eassadhal, R. 2 g^lt aigde, R. 

2 Bior cheathar shleas seaghdha irinn, R. * fothramb, R. 



lost, Fionn was to rouse from its lair the magic boar of the 
breed possessed by the famous Fomorian Balor of the evil 
eye, and Diarmad was to produce a warrior of the Fian fit 
to match it (a dhiongbhdil de laoich na Feinne). If the boar 
was slain Diarmad was still to claim any reward he chose 
for the deed (a rogha d'a chionn). In these conditions, so 
attractive in all appearance, we have the evidence of the 
deep and subtle guile {foill) that underlay Fionn's apparent 
generosity. In the event, Fionn won the match and routed 
out the boar, whereupon Diarmad, as a matter of course, 
undertook the task of slaying it {gabhar his do Idimh an tore). 
The sequel is set forth in the Lay of Diarmad : the aithed 
(elopement) ended in an oided (tragedy). 

The text given here is that of the Book of the Dean of 
Lismore, written about or before the year 1512, and printed 
from the transcript of the Rev. Dr. Alexander Cameron of 
Brodick, in Reliquiae Celticae, vol. i. Dr. Cameron's 
modern Gaelic version given on the opposite pages leaves 
a good deal to be desired. The Bevue Celtique (vol. xxxiii.) 
contains an improved redaction in Irish Gaelic. I have 
consulted with benefit and grateful appreciation both these 
editions of the Dean's difficult and rather erratic phonetic 
version. Other versions of the poem, or of part thereof, are 
contained in Reliquiae Celticae, vol. i. p. 166 (Edin. MSS., 
good, but unfortunately only a fragment) ; 274 (Macfarlane 
Collection) ; 323 (Maclagan MSS.) ; Leabhair na Feinne, 
pp. 153 seqq, (six versions) ; Tales of the West Highlands, 
vol. iii. p. 75 (also prose versions) ; The Fians, p. 60 ( Waifs 
and Strays, vol. iv.). These versions, taken together, afford 
much help to the understanding of the Dean's text. The 
chief differences therefrom are two. Most of them agree in 
making Grainne present on the occasion of the boar hunt, 
and in warning Diarmad that a trap is being laid for him. 
Most of them also insert the episode of Diarmad' s request to 
Fionn for one drink of water from Fionn's cup of healing. 
That, as it turns out with grim dramatic irony, is Diar- 
mad's rogha, and that Fionn refuses. Herein lies Fionn's 


treachery and dishonour : he will not implement the terms 
of the wager (geall). Both these passages, the latter of 
which is of the essence of the tale, are omitted in the Dean's 
text, which is therefore to that extent dramatically in- 

Another point is that in the Dean's text, as printed in 
Reliquiae Celticae, the sixth quatrain is undoubtedly, in my 
opinion, misplaced, and I have put it in what seems to me 
its proper place, after the eighth quatrain of the original 
text. Thus the quatrains, which originally run 5, 6, 7, 8, 
are printed below in the order 5, 7, 8, 6. This sequence 
helps to bring out the background of the poem, which as 
usual is only hinted at in the poem itself, and which, so far 
as known to me, has not been quite imderstood. 

A h-Ughdair so Ailean Mac Ruairidh 

Gleann Sidh an gleann so ri m' thaoibh, 
Am binn faoidh eun agus Ion, 

Minig rithidis an Fh^inn 

Air an t-srath so an deidh an con. 

An gleann so fa Bheinn Ghulbain ghuirm 

As ailde tulcha fa ghrein, 
Nior bh'ainneamh a shrutha gu dearg 

An deidh a shealg o Fhionn na F^inn'. 

Eisdidh beag madh ail leibh laoidh 

Air a' chuideachd chaoimh so chuaidh,^ 

Air Bheinn Ghulbain 's air Fhionn f^il, 
'S air Mac Ua Dhuibhne, sgeul truagh. 

* a chwddy*- cheive so woymm {wojin ?), D., i.e. a chuideachd chaomh so bh 
(bhuainn ?) ; ar an cuideoht caoim so oh', B. 0., p. 166. 



Do iomair Fionn,i fa truagh an sgealg, 
Air Mac Ua Dhuibhne as dearg li, 

Dhol do Bheinn Ghulbain do shealg 
An tuirc nach f6adann airm a dhith. 

Le Mac Ua Dhuibhne an airm kigh 
Do b'e gu'n torchair an tore, 

Geallair uaithe 2 le f hoill Fhinn, 
Is se e sin rinn do lochd. 


A dhiongbh^il de laoich na Feinn' 
Dan cuireadh e as a' chnoc 

An seann tore sidhe bu gharbh, 
Do bh'aig Balar 'na shealbh muc. 

Shuidhich Fionn as deirge dreach 

Fo Bheinn Ghulbain ghlais an t-sealg ; 

Do frith d'a mheud leis an tore : 
M6r an t-olc a rinn a shealg. 


flar fa tharla a dh^il ^ 

Mac Ua Dhuibhne, grMh nan sgoil, — 
Ach, so in sgeul fa'n tuirseach mn^i — 
Gabhar leis do \kimh. an tore. 

Ri clMsteachd co-ghair na Feinn' 
An ear 's an iar teachd fa a ceann 

Eirgheas an fhuathbheist o suain 
Is gluaiseas bhuatha air a' ghleann. 

^ Gwir lai finn, D., i.e. guidhear le Fionn ; thorchair le Fion, R. C, p. 166 ; 
dh'imir iad, R. C, p. 274 ; L. na jP., pp. 158% 162^ ; Fians, p. 60. 

2 Gillir Toy\ D. 

' Eir fa harlow a zail, D. ; charaich e chuige 's na dhdil, L. na F.^ 159* ; lacking 
in other versions. 

VOL. X. 


Cuireas ri faicinn nan laoch 

An seann tore sidhe air fraoch borb 
Bu gbeire na g^inne sleagh 

Bu treine, is eadh, na gath-bolg. 


Mac Ua Dhuibhne nan arm geur 

Freagrair leis an fhuathbheist uilc, 
'Na taoibh ghil trom neimhnigh g^idh ^ 

Cuireas sleagh an d^il an tuirc. 

Brisear an crann leis fa thri 

'S a cheann fa r^ir air a' mhuc ; 
An t-sleagh o 'bhais bharrdheirg bhlaith 

Nior 2 ait leis nochar sli4ith 'n a corp 


Tairngeas an t-seann lann a truaill, 

Do choisinn m6r bhuaidh an Mr : 
Marbhas Mac Ua Dhuibhne a' bh^ist, 

Do th^nig f^in d'a h-^is slkn. 


Tuiteas sprochd air Fionn na Feinn 

Is suidheas s^ 's a' chnoc ; 
Mac Ua Dhuibhne nior dhiult dMmh, 

01c leis a theachd sUn o'n tore. 

Air bhith dho fada 'na thosd 

Adubhairt ger bh'olc r'a rkdh, 
' Tomhais, a Dhiarmaid, o shoe 

Cia mheud troigh 'san tore so at^.' 


Char dhitilt e athchuinge Fhinn, 

01c leinn gun e theachd d'a thigh, 
Tomhaisidh an tore air a dhruim 

Mac Ua Dhuibhne nach trom troigh 

1 na teive reyll trom nayvny<^ gay, D ; o'n t-slios thaobh-gheal shlamhnuich 
thla I chas e'n t-sleagh an ddil an tuirc, L. na F., pp. 162^ ; bho'n bhus 's deirge 
eilltrich bhlath | 's bu chr^dh leinn nach b'ann na corp, 164^. 

2 rait, D. ; cf. bu chradh leinn, etc., in note above. 



' Tomhais 'na aghaidh e a rithis, 

A Dhiarmaid, gu mion an tore ; 
Fa leat is rogha dh'a chionn, 
A ghille nan arm rinn-goirt.' 


lompaidheas, bu thurus g^idh, 
Is tomhaisidh dhaibh an tore : 

Goinidh am friogh nirahe garbh 
Bun an laoich bu gharg an trod. 


Tuitidh an sin air an raon 

Mac Ua Dhuibhne nar f haomh f eall ; 
'Na laighe do thaoibh an tuirc, 

Ach, sin aidheadh dhuit gu dearbh. 


At4 s^ an sin fa chriaidh, 

Mac Ua Dhuibhne, ciabh nan cleachd, 
Aon mhacaomh fuileach na Feinn', 

'San tulaich so 'chim, fa fheart. 


Seabhag stilghorm Easa-ruaidh, 
Fear le'm beireadh buaidn gach ^ir, 

An d6idh a thorchair le tore 
Fa thulchain a' chnuic so 't4. 


Diarmad Mac Ua Dhuibhne fh6il 
A thuiteam troimh eud mo nuar ; 

Bu ghile a bhr^igh na grein, 
Bu dheirge a bheul na bkth cnti. 


Bu bhuidhe a fhionnadh ^ is a fholt, 
Fada rosg barrghlan fa f hleasg ; 

Guirme is glaise 'na shtiil, 

Maise is caise an ctl nan cleachd. 


* Fa boe Innis a olt, D. 



Binneas is grinneas 'na ghl6ir, 

Gile 'na dh6id bharrdheirg bhlaith , 

Meud agus ^ifeachd 'san laoch, 
Seinge is saoire 'na chneas ban. 


Coimhtheachtach ^ is mealltair bhan, 
Mac Ua Dhuibhne bu mhear buaidh 

An t-suirghe char thog a suil 
O chuireadh iiir air a ghruaidh. 


lomairteach eididh is each, 

Fear an ^iginn chreach nior chearr, 
Gille a b' fhearr gaisge is aoibh, 

Ach, truagh mar a faoth ^ 'sa ghleann. 


V. 1, tadbhy m. or f., appears to be f. throughout. Faoidh, a cry. Biihidis, 
3rd pi. ipft. ind. (habitual) of rithim, I run. Air, up ; cf. air a' ghleann, v. 9. 
F. 3, air Fhionn Fhil, about F. of Fail, i.e. Ireland. V. 4, sgealg, meaning 
unknown to me. FSadann, habitual pr. of fiadaim, I am able. F. 5, 
geallair uaithe, there is wagered from him ; the subject is to be supplied 
from the following line a dhiongbhdil, etc. F. 6, dan cuireadh, if he would 
put. F. 7, d^a mheud, for all his bulk. F. 8, iar fa, etc., *? after that his 
tryst took place, i.e. when he encountered the boar. F. 12, nior ait, etc. 
it was not gladsome in his sight that he did not, etc. F. 13, an t-seann lann, 
the old blade; it had magic power. F. 18, gaidh, dangerous. F. 19, nar 
fhaomh, who did not consent to ; faomhaim, I assent, consent. Aidheadh, 
a tragedy ; Ir. oidheadh ; O. Ir. oided. F. 25, Coimhtheachtach, a companion. 
F. 26, lomairteach, a gamester; /ao/^=thuit. 

The most interesting line from the point of view of text occurs in 
V. 1. 4. Here the Dean has : — 

* in senn tork shee be garv 
di vag ballery* na helve mok.' 

Coythtyc;^, D. 2 fgich, D. 


Variants are : — 


* Sean tore nimhe bha garg 
Thainig o bhall ard nan al-mhuc' 

Rel Celt., i. 324. 

* An sean tore nimhe a bha garg 
Thainig o Bhall ard nan Alla-mhuc' 

Leahh. na F., 1626. 

* An seann Tore nimhe bha garg 
A ghineadh o ardail nan tore' 

' 'S e 'n tore nimhe 's e ro gharg 
Bh'aig Mala liath aig sealbh mhuc' 

Ih., 1636.- 

W. H. T., iii. 75 (cf. pp. 65, 87). 

Cameron, following MacLauehlan, writes : — 

* An seann tore sidh 'bha gharbh 
Do [fhac ballardaich na h-alla-mhuic].' 

The key to this instructive series of corruptions is to be found in 
Duanaire Fhinn, p. 30 (Irish Text Society). 

* Fuaramar seilg iar samhain • a mbearnus Mhuici Balair 

Ar ttocht duinn tar Magh nithe • da ced laoch fa Idn sgithe 
Tore trom do shiol mhuc mBalair • do marbhamar iar samhain 
Cullach go ngne gairbh go ngus • 6 a bhfuil i ainm ar Bernus 
Nochar lamh nech a marbhadh • acht Fian Fhinn go nert-adbal 
Do shiol na muc liiath leimnech • b6i ag Balar bailcbheimnech.' 

We held a hunt after Hallowtide in the Gorge of Balar's pig, having 
passed over Magh n-Ithe, two hundred warriors well weary. 

A heavy boar of the breed of Balar's swine we killed after the Hallowtide : 
a boar of grisly shape, of power, wherefrom the gorge is named. 

None had dared to kill him but the Fian of Fionn of surpassing might : 
of the breed of the swift agile swine that Balar the stout smiter kept. 

From this passage we learn that Balar, the Fomorian, famed for his evil 
eye, possessed a breed of magic swine. The specimen that haunted the 
gorge of Balar's Pig when slain supplied a week's eating for a hundred 
warriors with their hounds. The breed, which would have been useful in 
Central Europe at present, is believed to be extinct. The corrupt Mala 
Liath presupposes a form JBalaire, which is perhaps found in Dun Bhalaire at 
Ledaig in Lome, near the famous vitrified fort of Dun Mac Snitheachan. 



Alexander Carmichael 
(Continued from p. 262) 
Run Rig Wholly 
All the land in Heisgeir is held in common by all the 
tenants of the island. There are no crofts, and conse- 
quently no portion of the land is permanently held by an 
individual tenant. There are ten tenants, and two of these 
having two shares each, the land is divided into twelve 

About Hallowtide — Gaelic, Samhuin — the ten tenants 
of the island meet for nabachd, ' neighbourHness.' Probably 
the only thing to be done at the neighbourly conference is 
to decide upon the piece of ground to be broken up for 
cultivation. This foregone conclusion decided, the men 
proceed at dawn of day to divide the ground. The land to 
be divided is called scat, clar, or leob. 

The constable takes a rod and divides the scat into six 
equal divisions. At the boundary of each division he cuts 
a mark — GaeHc, beum — in the ground, which is called by 
the curious name of tore. The tore resembles the broad 
arrow of the Ordnance Department. 

The word tore signifies a notch, and is applied to cattle 
whose ears are notched. These notch-eared cattle — ' torc- 
chluasach ' — are frequent in the Western Isles, and are 
spoken of as ' sliocd a chroidh mhara,' the descendants of 
the fabled sea cattle. 

The constable having marked off the scat or clar into 
six divisions, with the willing aid of his fellow-crofters, sends 
a man out from the people. Probably the man sent out 
of the way is the herdsman, who has no personal interest 
in the matter. Each of six men then puts a lot — Gaelic, 
crann — into a bonnet. The man sent out is recalled again, 


and the bonnet is then handed to him. From this the man 
takes the lots, and places them one after one on a line 
on the ground. The order in which the lots stand on the 
gromid is the order in which the owners of the lots stand 
to one another in the shares. Each man knows his own 
mark, and care is taken when putting them into the bonnet 
that no two be alike. 

The two tenants who have double shares, retain their 
two shares each. The other four tenants subdivide their 
divisions with the other four men whom they represent. 
These subdivisions are called imirean or iomairean, rigs 
or ridges. Each two tenants cast lots again for the two 
subdivided rigs. 

These arrangements are carried out quickly and quietly, 
and as the people themselves correctly say — ' gun ghuth 
mor, gim droch fhacal ' — without a loud voice, without an 
evil word. 

The tenants set apart a piece of ground for their herds- 
man, and this is called in Gaelic, imir a' bhuachaille, the 
rig of the herdsman. This is generally the outside ridge 
bordering on the grazing, and called the ' imir ionailt,' the 
browsing rig. The reason of giving this ridge to the herd 
is obvious. The man will take care to keep his own ridge 
safe, and if that ridge be safe the others are sure to be safe, 
because they lie behind it. 

The crofters also set apart pieces of ground for the poor 
among them. These are called 'Imirean nam bochd,' the 
ridges of the poor, and ' cianag nam bochd.' 

The kindness of the poor to the poor throughout these 
islands is wonderful. 

This arrangement of the land lasts for three years, at 
the end of which time the ground is let out under grazing 
as before, and new ground is broken in. This is the Roinn 
Ruith, Run Rig system, pure and simple. 

When the townlands are reclaiming moorland, the 
crofters divide the ground into long narrow strips, about 
five feet wide. In English these narrow strips are called 


' lazy beds ' — why, I do not know. In Gaelic they are 
called feannag. The name is in allusion to the flaying 
and turning over of the surface. This is an admirable way 
of reclaiming land, especially wet land. The deep frequent 
furrows allow the warmth of the sun to reach the seed in 
the ground from the top and both sides of the ' bed,' while 
the drains dry the land. The crop produced by this mode 
of tillage, especially in damp ground, is better than that 
produced by the plough. 

The extent of ground which strong bodies of crofters 
can reclaim in a few years is surprising, and not less so the 
improved appearance of the land under their operations. 
In this manner vast tracts of country have been reclaimed 
and the aspect of nature converted from repulsiveness to 
attractiveness. Too often, however, others than the 
crofters have reaped the benefit. 

Long stretches of the west coast of the Outer Hebrides 
are low and sandy. Upon these low-lying sandy shores 
the Atlantic storms drive great quantities of sea-weed, 
principally fuci. With this fuci the people manure their 
lands and produce their crops. 

The people of Saint Kilda sing, or used to sing, a joyous 
song on the arrival of their birds. The song begins — 

Buidheachas dha 'n Ti thainig na gugachan ! 
Thainig 's na h-eoin-mhora cuide riu ! 

Cailin dubh ciar dhubh bo 's a cbro ! 

Bo dhonn ! bo dhonn ! bo dhonn bheadarrach ! 

Bo dhonn, a ruin, a bhlitheadh am bainne dhuit ! 

Ho ro ! mo gheallag ! ni gu rodagach ! 

Cailin dubh ciar dhubh bo 's a chro — 

Na h-eoin air tighinn ! cluinneam an ceol ! 

^ Thanks to the Being, the gannets have come, 

Yes ! and the great auks along with them. 
Dark-haired girl ! — a cow in the fold ! 
Brown cow ! brown cow ! brown cow, beloved ho ! 
Brown cow ! my love ! the milker of milk to thee ! 
Ho ro ! my fair-skinned girl — 
Dark-haired girl !— a cow in the fold, 
The birds have come ! — I hear their melody I 


In like manner the people of the Outer Hebrides are 
pleased when they see their wild shores strewn with their 
thrice welcome sea-weed. 

In order to apprise them of the arrival of the sea-weed, 
most farms have a man living near the shore, whose duty 
it is to hoist a bundle of ragged sea-weed on the top of a 
pole. This man is called am Peursair, the perchman, and 
his services are paid in sea-weed and land. 

Men and girls, with horses and carts and creels, labour 
assiduously in removing the sea-weed beyond reach of the 
tide. If they did not, perhaps the next tide might sweep 
the whole away. In their eagerness to secure the sea-weed, 
the people often, with the sea above their knees, work them- 
selves and their horses altogether too much day after day. 

When sea-weed is abundant on the shore, there is no 
restriction, but when not abundant, the sea-weed is divided 
into peighinnean, ' pennies,' as their land into rigs, ridges. 

Should other work be pressing, perhaps the landed sea- 
weed is allowed to lie above the shore for a time. If so it 
soon heats and putrefies, and the smell arising from these 
innumerable heaps of corruption is strong and offensive 
to a degree. The bountiful ozone from the Atlantic, 
however, counteracts it all, and no harm arises. 

Though they are aware that much of the substance of the 
sea- weed is thus lost to them, the crofters cannot do better. 
If possible, however, they remove the sea-weed to the 
ground without delay, and spread it on their fields. 

Throughout the Long Island the crofters keep stock 
according to recognised long-established regulations among 
themselves. These vary to some degree in various districts. 
In Lews and Harris the crofters keep stock according to 
every pound of rent they pay. This is called coir-sgoraidh, 
grazing-right. Every cow is entitled to her progeny — Bo 
le h-al. But the number of progeny to which a cow is 
entitled is not the same everywhere. In some districts the 
cow is entitled to her calf only, in some to her calf and stirk, 
in some to her calf, stirk, and two-year-old quey ; while in 


some other districts the cow is entitled to her calf, stirk, 
quey, and three-year-old heifer. 

This is called Suim, soum, and a man is entitled to send 
so many soums to the grazings of his townland. A man's 
whole stock is called leibhidh, and the amount of stock 
he is allowed to the grazing of his community is called 
sumachadh, souming. Of this leibhidh he sends so many 
soums to the townland grazing, while he keeps more or less 
stock of cows and horses at home on his croft. In the three 
townlands of Heisgeir, Hosta, and Caolas Paipil, the tenants 
are unable to keep any stock at home, being on the Run- 
Rig system pure and simple. The people make what they 
call a sumachadh — souming — twice a year. The first takes 
place at Bealltain, 1st May, and the second, after the last 
of the markets are held, when they have sold aU the stock 
they care to sell for the year. 

In the Uists and Barra the people keep stock according 
as they have a whole croft, a half croft, or a quarter croft. 
Each croft in the particular townland is entitled to so many 

If the stock of a tenant be incomplete it is called Leibhidh 
Briste, ' broken stock.' In that case the tenant may dis- 
pose of his grazing-right to a neighbour who may have an 

The tenants of a townland will not willingly allow a 
fellow-tenant to sell his grazing outside the townland. 
There are various things which a tenant can do and which 
he cannot do ; and all these things, so intricate to a stranger, 
so easy to themselves, are well defined. 

All these stock and land arrangements of the people 
show that they could not have been devised in ignorance ; 
nay, that the framers of these regulations must have been 
shrewd, intelligent people. 

Should a tenant have an overstock of one species of 
animals and an understock of another species, these species 
are placed against one another. This is called coilpeachadh, 
which for want of a better term may be called ' equalising.' 


In like manner, if a tenant has an overstock of the old and 
an understock of the young of the same species of animals, 
the young and the old are placed the one against the other 
and equalised. After the coilpeachadh is done, should 
there still be a balance against the tenant, he must provide 
for it specially. This is done by buying grass from a neigh- 
bour who is short of stock, or from a tenant in a neighbour- 
ing townland. Or perhaps his fellow-tenants may allow 
the man to retain the extra cow, horse, heifer, stirk, or 
sheep, as the case may be, on the grass till he can dispose 
of it at the market. If so, they will exact payment for 
the grazing, and this payment is added to the general fund 
of the community towards purchasing fresh stock. 

In these and all other matters the people are forbearing 
and considerate towards one another, and a man placed 
in any difficulty is aided to the utmost by his community. 
If, however, a man is obstinate, he is denounced as fiacail 
gaibhre, gaber tooth, goat tooth, standing out against the 
customs of the community. 

The coilpeachadh varies in some slight degree in some 
of the islands. The following table, however, may be 

accepted as 

airly representing the whole Outer Hebrides : — 

horse is equal to 8 foals. 

4 one-year-old fillies. 
2 two-year-old fillies. 
(I three-year old filly. 
\l one-year-old filly. 
2 cows, 
cow „ 8 calves. 

4 stirks. 

2 two-year-old queys. 
(1 three-year-old quey. 
\l one-year-old stirk. 
8 sheep. 
12 hoggs. 
16 lambs. 
16 geese. 


Three one-year-old hoggs are equal to two sheep ; one two- 
year-old hogg is equal to one sheep, and other modifications. 

The young of the horse and the cow arrive at maturity 
at four years of age. The old Highlanders never worked 
nor bred their horses or cattle till they had arrived at 
maturity. They said that the horse, the mare, and the 
cow lasted twice as long when thus treated. In Kintail of 
old, an entire horse was not allowed to work before he was 
seven years of age. Probably nowadays that would be 
considered waiting too long. 

The young of most animals are changed to a new name 
on the first day of winter. The foal becomes a loth or 
lothag, G\ly ; the lamb becomes an othaisg. For these 
things, and for most, if not indeed for all things of this 
nature, ' the old people ' had rhymes to assist the memory. 
These rhymes are invariably expressive and pithy, although 
now becoming obsolete. 

The calf changes to a stirk — 

La Samhna theirear gamhna ris na laoigh, 
La 'lUeain theirear aighean riu na dheigh. 

At Hallowtide the calf is called a stirk aye, 
At Saint John's the stirk becomes a quey. 

The yoimg are separated from their mothers, and the new 
name is applied to them at Hallowmas — Gaelic, Samhuin. 

Having finished their tillage, the people go early in June 
to the hill-grazing with their flocks. This is a busy day 
in the townland. The people are up and in commotion like 
bees about to swarm. The different families bring their 
herds together and drive them away. The sheep lead, the 
cattle go next, the younger preceding, and the horses follow. 
The men carry burdens of sticks, heather-ropes, spades, and 
other things needed to repair their summer huts (sgitheil, 
bothain). The women carry bedding, meal, dairy and 
cooking utensils. Hound below their waists is a thick 
woollen cord or leathern strap (crios-fheile, kilt-band), 
underneath which their skirts are drawn up to enable them 


to walk easily over the moors. Barefooted, bareheaded, 
comely boys and girls, with gaunt sagacious dogs, flit hither 
and thither, keeping the herds together as best they can, 
and every now and then having a neck-and-neck race with 
some perverse animal trying to run away home. There is 
much noise. Men — several at a time — give directions and 
scold. Women knit their stockings, sing their songs, talk 
and walk as free and erect as if there were no burdens on 
their backs nor on their hearts, nor sin nor sorrow in this 
world of ours, so far as they are concerned. Above this 
din rise the voices of the various animals being thus un- 
willingly driven from their homes. Sheep bleat for their 
lambs, lambs for their mothers ; cows low for their calves, 
and calves low for their dams ; mares neigh for their foals, 
and foals reply as they lightly trip round about, little think- 
ing of coming work and hard fare. AU who meet on the 
way bless the 'triall,' as this removing is called. They 
wish the ' triall ' good luck and prosperity, and a good 
flitting day, and, having invoked the care of Israel's Shepherd 
on man and beast, they pass on. 

When the grazing-ground has been reached and the 
burdens are laid down, the huts are repaired outwardly 
and inwardly, the fires are rekindled, and food is prepared. 
The people bring forward their stock, every man's stock 
separately, and, as they are being driven into the enclosure, 
the constable and another man at either side of the gateway 
see that only the proper souminghas been brought to the graz- 
ing. This precaution over, the cattle are turned out to graze. 

Having seen to their cattle and sorted their shealings, 
the people repair to their removing feast, feisd na h-imriche ; 
or shealing feast, feisd na h-airighe. The feast is simple 
enough, the chief thing being a cheese, which every house- 
wife is careful to provide for the occasion from last year's pro- 
duce. The cheese is shared among neighbours and friends, 
as they wish themselves and cattle luck and prosperity. 

Laoigh bhailgionn bhoirionn air gach fireach, 
Piseach crodh na h-airigh. 


Every head is uncovered, every knee is bowed, as they 
dedicate themselves and their flocks to the care of Israel's 

In Barra, South Uist, and Benbecula, the Roman Catholic 
faith predominates ; here, in their touching dedicatory 
old hymn, the people invoke, with the aid of the Trinity, 
that of the angel with the cornered shield and flaming sword, 
Saint Michael, the patron saint of their horses ; of Saint 
Columba the holy, the guardian over their cattle ; and of 
the golden-haired Virgin Shepherdess, and Mother of the 
Lamb without spot or blemish. 

A Mhicheil mhin ! nan steud geala, 
A choisinn cios air Dragon fala, 
Air ghaol Dia is Mhic Muire, 
Sgaoil do sgiath oirnn, dian sinn uile, 
Sgaoil do sgiath oirnn, dian sinn uile. 


A Mhoire ghradhach ! Mathair Uain-ghil, 

Cobhair oirnne, Oigh na h-uaisle ; 

A rioghainn uaibhreach ! a bhuachaille nan trend ! 

Cum ar cuallach, cuartaich sinn le cheil, 

Cum ar cuallach, cuartaich sinn le cheil. 


A Chalum-Chille ! chairdeil, chaoimh, 
An ainm Athar, Mic, is Spioraid Naoimh, 
Trid na Trithinn ! trid na Triath ! 
Comraig sinne, gleidh ar triall, 
Comraig sinne, gleidh ar triall. 


Athair ! A Mhic ! A Spioraid Naoimh ! 
Biodh an Tri-Aon leinn a la's a dh'oidhche ! 
'S air machair loim, no air rinn nam beann, 
Bidh an Tri-Aon leinn 's bidh a lamh mu'r ceann, 
Bidh an Tri-Aon leinn 's bidh a lamh mu'r ceann. 


lasgairean Bharraidh — 

Athair ! A Mhic ! A Spioraid Naoimh ! 
Biodh an Tri-Aon leinn, a la 's a dh'oidhche ! 
'S air chul nan tonn, no air thaobh nam beann, 
Bidh ar Mathair leinn, 's bidh a lamb fo'r ceann, 
Bidh ar Mathair leinn, 's bidh a lamh fo'r ceann. 

The Shealing Hymn 

Thou gentle Michael of the white steed, 

Who subdued the Dragon of blood, 

For love of God and of Mary's Son / 

Spread over us thy wing, shield us all ! 

Spread over us thy wing, shield us all ! 


Mary beloved ! Mother of the White Lamb, 
Protect us, thou Virgin of nobleness, 
Queen of beauty ! Shepherdess of the flocks ! 
Keep our cattle, surround us together. 
Keep our cattle, surround us together. 


Thou Columba, the friendly, the kind, 

In name of the Father, the Son, and the Spirit Holy 

Through the Three-in-One, through the Three, 

Encompass us, guard our procession. 

Encompass us, guard our procession. 


Thou Father ! Thou Son ! Thou Spirit Holy ! 

Be the Three-One with us day and night. 

On the machair plain, on the mountain ridge. 

The Three-One is with us, with His arm around our head, 

The Three-One is with us, with His arm around our head. 

Barra Boatmen's Version of last Verse — 

Thou Father ! Thou Son ! Thou Spirit Holy ! 

Be the Three-One with us day and night, 

And on the crested wave, or on the mountain side, 

Our Mother is there, and her arm is under our head. 

Our Mother is there, and her arm is under our head. 


In North Uist, Harris, and Lews, the Protestant faith 
entirely prevails, and the people confine their invocation to. 

The Shepherd that keeps Israel, 
He slumbereth not nor sleepeth. 

Feuch air Fear Coimhead Israeli. 
Codal cha'n aom no suain. 

As the people sing their dedication, their voices resound 
from their shealings here literally in the wilderness, and 
as the music floats on the air, and echoes among the rocks, 
hills, and glens, and is wafted over fresh-water lakes and 
sea-lochs, the effect is very striking. 

The walls of the shealings in which the people live are 
of turf, the roof of sticks covered with divots. There are 
usually two sheaUngs together ; the larger the dwelling, the 
smaller the dairy. This style of hut (sgithiol) is called 
' airidh ' or shealing, and ' both cheap,' or ' bothan cheap,' 
turf bothy ; to distinguish it from the ' both cloiche ' or 
* bothan cloiche,' stone bothy. This is entirely constructed 
of stone, the roof tapering to a cone more or less pointed. 
The apex of the cone roof is probably finished off with a 
flag, through the centre of which there is a hole like that 
through an upper miUstone, the opening for the egress of 
smoke and the ingress of light. There is a low doorway 
with a removable door, seldom used, made of wicker work, 
wattles, heather, or bent. In the walls of the hut, two, 
three, or four feet from the floor, are recesses — Gaelic, 
buthailt, Scottish ' bole ' — for the various utensils in use 
by the people, while in the depth of the thick wall low down 
near the ground are the dormitories wherein the family 
sleep. The entrance to these dormitories, slightly raised 
above the floor, is a small hole, barely capable of admitting 
a person to creep through. This sleeping place is called 
'crupa, from ' crupadh,' to crouch. It was a special 
feature in the architecture of the former houses of St. Kilda, 
the houses themselves being called ' crupa ' from this char- 
acteristic. These beehive stone houses are still the sheal- 


ings of the Lews people. Some are also to be seen in the 
forest of Harris, but none in either of the Uists or in Barra. 
In these places the people have practically ceased going to 
the summer shealings. Invariably two or three strong 
healthy girls share the same shealing. Here they remain 
making butter and cheese till the corn is ripe for shearing, 
when they and their cattle return home. The people enjoy 
this life at the hill pasturage, and many of the best lyric 
songs in their language are in praise of the loved summer 

Considerable changes are now taking place among the 
people of the Outer Hebrides as to the rearing and the dis- 
posing of stock. Markets are more open to them, and they 
can sell their stock early, and of this they take advantage. 
But under their old conditions, and considering all their 
circumstances, which must be weighed before judging, pro- 
bably none better than their old systems were ever devised. 

In various localities and on various occasions I made 
minute inquiries of old people as to the detailed farm stock 
and domestic substance of their fathers. The people then 
had more land and of better quality ; they had more horses, 
sheep, and cattle ; they had more crop, and of better 
quality ; they had better nourishing food, and they had 
better bed and body clothing. They had also more con- 
structive ingenuity in arts and manufactures, and they had 
more mental and physical stamina, and more refinement 
of manners. 

Therefore, go back to the old order of things under im- 
proved conditions. Unloosen their cords, and allow the 
people to expand by filling up the central rungs in the land 
ladder, all of which are at present absent, rendering it 
impossible for a crofter, however industrious, to rise higher 
than he is. To my thinking it is impolitic, as well as unjust, 

* The writer has a small primitive stool, upon which Prince Charlie sat in one of 
these summer shealings during his wanderings after the disasters of Culloden. The 
people spoke and sung of the Prince as, Am Buachaille Ban, Am Buachaille Buidhe, 
' the fair-haired Herdsman,' ' the yellow-haired Herdsman.' The allusion was under- 
stood without committing themselves. 

VOL. X. 2 A 


to hem the people into a corner, thereby impoverishing the 
many to enrich the few. The people of the Outer Hebrides 
are admirable workers by sea and land, and if they are less 
persevering than they might be, it is the fault of circumstances. 
The oral lore of the old Highland people is rapidly dying 
out with the old people themselves. There is an essential 
difference between the old and the young people. The 
young people are acquiring a smattering of school educa- 
tion in which they are taught to ignore the oral literature 
which tended to elevate and ennoble their fathers. A few 
hymns from this mass of old lore are given in this paper 
at the desire of the noble Chairman of this Commission, 
Lord Napier and Ettrick. 

Altachadh Leapa. — Bed Blessing 

The following prayer is said or sung by Catholics in 
South Uist, in going to bed. The old man from whom I 
first took it down, told me that he had said it every night 
since he was fifteen years of age, and that it had been taught 
him by his father. 

Tha mise laighe nochd, le Moire 's le' Mac, 
Le Mathair mo Righ, tha gam' dhion o gach lochd ; 
Cha laigh mi leis an olc, cha laigh an t-olc learn, 
Ach laighidh mi le Dia, is laighidh Dia leam. 

Lamh dheas De fo mo cheann, 
Soillse an Spioraid os mo chionn ; 
Crois nan naoidh aingeal tharam sios, 
mhuUach mo chinn gu iochdar mo bhonn. 


Crois Mhoire 's Mhicheil, ma-rium ann an sith, 
M' anam a bhi 'm firinn, gu'n mhi-run am chom. 

NoTK — Since this was written many improvements have taken place in land 
tenure, though much more remains to be done. 

These hymns, and many more, are to be found in Carmina Gadelica. 



los gu'n lochd, a cheusadh goirt, 
Fo bhinn nan olc a sgiursadh Thu , 
A liuthad lochd, a rinn mo chorp, 
Nach faod mi nochd a chunntachadh (1). 


A Righ na Fola Firinnich, 

Na dibir mi o d' mhuinntireas ; 

Na tagair orm mo mhi-cheartan ; 

Na di-chuimhnich ad' chunntadh mi (1). 


Guidheam Peadair, guidheam Pol, 
Guidheam Moir Oigh agus a Mac, 
Guidheam an da ostal deug. 
Gu'n mise dhol eug a nochd. 


A Dhia agus a Mhoire na glorach, 

los a Mhic na h-Oighe cubhraidh, 

Cumaibh sinne o na piantaibh ; 
J'S o'n teine dhorcha dhuinte. 
\'S o'n teine shiorraidh mhuchta. 


M' anam aig fear shorchar na frithe (2) 
Micheal geal an codhail m' anama. 

(1) The IV. and v. verses were not in the first version I 
obtained of this beautiful hymn. I am not sure that they 
originally formed part of it. This, however, can only be a 
matter of conjecture. Not infrequently in old Gaelic 
poetry, sacred and profane, the measure, rhyme, assonance, 
and even subject, change in the same poem. Old Enghsh 
poetry is the same. 

(2) I am not satisfied that I have correctly translated 
this line. Sorch means ' light,' in contradistinction to 
dorch ' dark.' S or char, I take it, is the man or being of 
light, as dorchar is the man or being of darkness. Sorch, 
' Light,' is a woman's name in the Long Island. 


The Bed Blessing — (close translation) 


I lie down this night, with Mary and with her Son, 
With the Mother of my King, who shields me from harm ; 
I shall not lie down with evil, nor shall evil lie down with me, 
But I shall lie with God, and God will lie down with me. 


The right hand of God under my head, 
The light of the Spirit Holy shining over me, 
The cross of the nine angels along me, down 
From the crown of my head to the soles of my feet. 


Be the cross of Mary and of Michael with me in peace, 
May my soul dwell in truth, and my heart be free of guile. 


Jesus, without offence, who wast crucified cruelly 
Under sentence of the evil ones, Thou wert scourged ; 
The many evils done by me in this body 
That cannot this night be numbered ! 

Thou King of the Blood of Truth, 
Omit me not from thy covenant, 
Exact not from me for my sins. 
Nor forget me in thy numbering. 


I pray Peter, pray I Paul, 
I pray Mary, Virgin, and her Son, 
I pray the Apostles twelve 
That I may not die this night. 


God ! Mary of Glory ! 

Jesus ! Thou Son of the Virgin fragrant, 

Keep ye us from the pains, 

{And from the dark hidden fire, 
And from the everlasting suffocating fire. 



My soul is with the Light of the mountains, 
Archangel Michael, shield my soul ! 

Taladh Na Banachaig. — The Milkmaid's Lullaby 

The following poem is interesting from the three chiefs 
introduced at the end. Although these lilts were meant 
only to soothe and quiet the cows in being milked, they yet 
show, unconsciously, much that is interesting of the past, 
if not of the present, life of the Highlands and Islands. 

Form. — Ho m' aghan ! ho m' agh min ! 
Ho m' aghan ! ho m' agh min ! 
Ho m' aghan ! ho m' agh min ! 
A chridheag chridh', is toigh leam thu. 

Fhaic thu bho ud air an liana, 
'S a laogh mear aic air a bialaibh 
Dean thusa mar a rinn i chiana 

Thoir am bainne a laoigh na Fianaich 
Ho m' aghan, etc. 


Thoir am bainne, bho dhonn ! 

Thoir am bainne gu trom 's gu torrach, 

Thoir am bainne, bho dhonn, 

'S na h-uaislean a tigh'nn an bhaile 
Ho m' aghan, etc. 


Thoir am bainne, bho dhonn ! 
'S gu'n ann daibh ach an t-aran ! 
Thoir am bainne, bho dhonn, — 
Macneill ! Macleoid ! MacAilein ! 
Ho m' aghan, etc. 


The Milkmaid's Lullaby— (close translation) 

Charus^Ro my heifer ! ho my heifer fair ! 
Ho my heifer ! ho my heifer fair ! 
Ho my heifer ! ho my heifer fair ! 
Thou heartling, heart, I love thee ! 

Behold that cow on the plain, 
With her frisky calf before her ; 
Do thou as she did a while ago — 
Give thy milk, thou calf of Fianach. 

Ho my heifer, ho my heifer fair. 


Give thy milk, brown cow, 

Give thy milk so abundant and rich ; 

Give thy milk, brown cow, 

And the gentles coming to the townland. 
Ho my heifer, etc. 


Give thy milk, brown cow, 

And that there is nothing for them but bread. 

Give thy milk, brown cow, 

Macneill ! Macleod ! Clanranald ! 
Ho my heifer, etc. 

Mar Chirein Nan Stuagh 

The following verses are said to have been composed 
in Benbecula in the time of bows and arrows. They are 
singularly chaste, beautiful, and elevated. They indicate, 
I think, the wonderful natural refinement of the people 
who could appreciate, preserve, and repeat these, and whole 
libraries of similar oral literature, throughout the past ages. 

The oral literature of the Highlands and Islands is singu- 
larly pure in tone and poetical in expression. I have taken 
down large quantities of this literature, probably a small 
library in the mass, and I have never heard, either in this or 
among the people, an unbecoming word or an impure story. 

I went much among the very poorest of the people, 


among a people whose pinched features betrayed their 
poverty, yet during nearly seventeen years in Uist I was 
never once asked for charity. Their proprietor in South 
Uist, the late Mr. John Gordon, did not exaggerate when he 
said, ' The Uist people are all born gentlemen — every man 
of them.' Yet, these are the people so often misrepre- 
sented, and sometimes so cruelly maligned, by men who do 
not know them. 

The Uist people are excellent workers, and for the farm- 
ing best adapted for their country infinitely before the best 
farming representatives that have been brought against 
them from the south. All these successively have had to 
adopt the native system of farming, after proving the 
unsuitableness of their own. 

Mar chirein nan stuagh uaine ta mo ghaol, 
A h-eugasg tlath, mar dhearsa speuran ard ; 
Mar sheudan loinneireach, a da shuil chaoin ;' 
Mar arradh air bharr sleibh, fo ghrein nan trath. 


O ! cait am facas bean is aille snuagh, 
Ca'm facas riabh air cluain, le ceumaibh s^imh, 
Do shamhuil fein, a gheug nam mile buadh, 
Mar chlacha buadha, 's an or is aille sgeimh ! 

In the following translation 
adhere closely to the original. 

I have endeavoured to 

The White Crest of the Wave 
To the white crest, of the green wave, I liken my love, 
Her countenance warm, like the beaming sky above ; 
Like brilliant jewels are her two blue sparkling eyes. 
Like the glancing sunbeams, all radiant from the skies. 


Oh ! where has e'er been seen a lovelier form or face ? 
On lawn, or plain, or field, of statelier mien or grace ? 
Thou branch of thousand beauties in thy pride of beauty's joy ! 
Thou gem in purest gold, yea gold without alloy ! 




Alasdair MacColla : Sain-eolus ar a ghniomarthaibh gaisge : Seosamh Laoide : 
Connradh na Gaedhilge ; i mBaile Atha Cliath, 1914. (76 duilleagan ; 
tasdan sUn.) 
Anns an leabhran so gheibhear iomradh air euchdan a' churaidh ainmeil 
sin Alasdair MacCholla mhic Ghille-easbuig, a th^inig de shiol Dhomhnallach 
Dhdin-Naomhaig an He, agus a bha 'na cheannard air na h-Eireannaich 
treuna a rinn cogadh an Albainn air taobh a' cheud Eigh Tearlach fo 
chomannd Marcuis Mhontr6is. Tha an eachdraidh air a cuir sios mar 
a gheibhear i an sgriobhaidhean Neill Mhic Mhuirich, seanchaidh Mhic 'ic 
Ailein, agus chuir am fear-deasachaidh rithe mar an ceudna cuid mhath de 
bhkrdachd Chlann Mhuirich agus bhard eile a tha a' leigeil soluis air cliti 
agus sinnseireachd nan D6mhnallach. A bharrachd air sin gheibhear anns 
an leabhar sgeul air Caithr^im Alasdair fo laimh Eoin Mhic Neill, agus a 
bharrachd air sin a rithis tha ann ,gearr-f hoclair, cunntas air pearsana, agus 
dinnseanchas, no cunntas air ainmean 4itean. Ged is beag an leabhar so, 
cha bheag a luach. Tha sinn buidheach de shaothair an fhir-dheasach- 
aidh agus bu mhath leinn gu'n ruigeadh a shaothair Gaidheil na h-Alba. 
Ghabh Mr. Laoide mdr-churam an deasachadh an leabhair, ach ged is tearc 
meang ann, tha beagan a ghabhas leasachadh, mar a tha ' an Eara f. Harris ; 
gen. na h-Earadh ' : cha ghabh atharrachadh (no claonadh) idir air 
na h-Earradh. 'The Howe of the Mearns=Togh na Maoirne': is e as 
ciall do Howe, aite iosal, agus is e theirear ris an ^ite so ' Lagan (no lag) 
na Maoirne.' A rithis, an ^ite Inbhear nArann, Inbhear Nois, Loch Tdtha, 
Allt Eirinn is e bu ch6ir a sgriobhadh Inbhear Narann, Inbhear Nis, Loch 
Tat ha, Allt Eireann, agus an kite ' Bun Neimheis, the foot of Nevis, i.e. 
Ben Nevis ' is e bu ch6ir a r^h, Bun Nibheis. i. Bun Abhainn Nibheis, 
o'n ghoirear Beinn Nibheis d'an bheinn as mo am Breatunn. 

Church Life in Boss and Sutherland : from the Revolution (1688) to the Present 
Time. Compiled chiefly from Tain Presbytery Eecords by Colin 
Macnaughton, Minister of Tain Parish. Inverness: Northern 
Counties Newspaper and Printing and Publishing Company, Limited, 
1915. 463 pp. 5s. net. 

This volume forms a useful addition to our information regarding the 
administration of religious matters in Easter Boss during the period 
covered. The author has kept to the records of the Presbytery of Tain, of 
which he is clerk, and the district dealt with is the peninsula lying 
between Tarbat Ness on the east and on the west Averon Water and the 
heights of Kincardine and Kosskeen. The opening chapter introduces us 
to the transition between Episcopacy and Presbyterianism. In 1693 it 
appears that there were only four Presbyterian ministers within the 
Presbytery of Boss and Sutherland, and no meeting of Presbytery was held 
from November 1693 till September 1695, 'because it was judged fit that 



the Presbytery of Koss and Sutherland should join in Presbytery with the 
brethren in the province of Murray,' This arrangement was altered in 
1695 as being unworkable. For some time the cases of curates, conforming 
and recusant, kept the brethren active. In December 1706 the connection 
with Sutherland was severed, and the district of Easter Ross was erected 
into the Presbytery of Tain, and as matters were arranged then they are 
now. Space forbids anything like a rdsumi of the varied contents of the 
book, but it should be said that the author has dealt judiciously with his 
materials, and has given us not a succession of titbits of the fama clamosa 
type, but the events of significance — not only ecclesiastically but also 
socially. Some of these make brisk enough reading. 

We read that Adam Gordon of Dalfolly, George Gray of Skibo, and 
others, with servants, horses, and baggage, caused themselves to be ferried 
across Portincoulter on a Sabbath morning in February 1722, and rode to 
Tain, which they reached an hour before church service. Instead of 
attending which they remained eating and drinking, but especially drinking, 
in Bailie Ross's house, while their servants did, or tried to do, business with 
horrified tradesmen. Thence to Knockbreck and more drinking till after 
public worship, when, first firing off their pistols, they rode through Ross to 
Invergordon Ferry, where some crossed to the Black Isle and some returned 
to Tain. Serious notice had to be taken of such proceedings. Adam 
Gordon professed remorse and promised in the Lord's strength not to give 
the like offence hereafter : the other delinquents likewise. They got off 
cheaply with censure. Mr. Macnaughton considers the treatment unusually 
mild, but they were heritors. The important secession in Nigg, following 
on opposition to the royal presentee, forms an instructive chapter. The 
author blames the presentee for forcing himself on an unwilling people : but 
the system that encouraged such proceedings was surely wrong. The great 
Disruption of 1843 and its immediate consequences are dealt with shortly and 
temperately. The book closes with a list of ministers of the various parishes 
in the Presbytery of Tain from the Revolution to the present day, and an 
index of subjects. The volume contains a wealth of attested facts, 
presented clearly and pleasantly, and it should be read by many, all good 
Ross-shire people in particular. It would have greatly facilitated reference 
if at the top of the pages, instead of otiosely repeating the title 446 times, 
the author had given a catch heading referring to contents. The printing 
and form of this book are excellent. 

Commentary to the Germanic Laws and Mediceval Documents. By Leo Wiener, 
Professor of Slavic Languages and Literature at Harvard University. 
Cambridge : Harvard University Press ; London : Humphrey Milford ; 
Oxford University Press, 1915. Pp. lxi + 224. 

This very learned and stimulating book is an attempt to trace the 
influence of certain terms and legal conceptions of late Roman codes, 
especially the code of Theodosius (who reigned 401-450 A.D.) on the 



morphological and semantic development of European languages. In course 
of his researches Professor Wiener has come to the conclusion that even as 
the Cherokees passed ^«r saltum from the position of savages to the acceptance 
of a code of laws based on that of the United States, and to civilised 
customs, so the Teutonic tribes adopting and adapting the Roman code made 
so sudden an advance in civilisation that Germanic scholars, contemplating 
their position in the fifth century, claimed for these tribes a civil existence 
and a regularised life reaching back to a period long before that date. This 
conception of an early Golden Age of independent Teutonic evolution, the 
author regards as a wholly unhistorical figment, and proves his position by 
comparison of the codes. This is rather a blow to a certain school, but worse 
remains. Professor Wiener in course of his investigations has satisfied 
himself that the Gibraltar of Germanic philology, the Gothic language, 
stands on a formation of sand. ' There does not exist the slightest proof 
that the fragments of the Gothic Bible, as we now possess it, were part of 
a translation made by Ulfilas in the fourth century. The tradition which 
has grown up in regard to the whole Gothic question is based on a vicious 
circle, of which the authorship of the Bible is the initial step.' It is not 
necessary for our purpose to follow his argument, but whatever may be 
thought of his conclusions, one thing is plain : they are the conclusions of 
a man who has gone over the evidence, and who possesses a firm grasp of 
his subject. His method is historical and will be better understood by 
examples, in the selection of which we choose Celtic ones. 

In the Theodosian Code faco sociare means to confiscate, hence a formula 
sociante fisco, under confiscation by the treasury, whence a further develop- 
ment socio fisco, meaning under compulsion by the fiscus. Among the Goths 
the executive officer for carrying out the decrees of his superiors was sagio, 
saiOj whose chief duty consisted in 'taking away, confiscating' in the name 
of the judicial authority, and a compound thereof is sacibarOj^ a collector, 
hence, from his appearance in courts, 'a spokesman, accuser,' 'and hence the 
Germanic languages, with the exception of the Gothic, have developed from 
this sagi- the root sag- speak,' seen in Germ, sageriy English say. Further, 
' 0. Irish saig- tendere, petere, adire is derived from this Germanic sag-, to 
prosecute at court.' This means, if we have not mistaken the argument, 
that 0. Ir. saigim, I seek, is a loan through Germanic from Lat. socius. We 
find this hard of belief. 

Similarly, by a most interesting historical process, the author will have it 
proved that from certain developments in the usage of Latin devotus arise 
Gothic thiuda, Gaelic tuafh, Welsh tud. Gaelic duine, man, he makes a 
loan from decanus, Gaulish vassus, a dependant, Welsh gwas, O. Ir. foss, 
slave, are loans ultimately from msarium, a tax-book. Feredus, a running 
horse, a post horse, which has hitherto been reckoned a loan from Gaulish 
into Latin, is stated, or hinted, to be Persian band, a courier, based on 

^ Whence obviously communis ehmosina que diciiur sauchharian 
charity which is called 'the collection.'— Chartulary of St. Andreivs. 

the common 


Assyrian paradu, to hasten, puridu, messenger. Provincials were obliged to 
furnish veredi as a road-imposition, commuted later for a payment in money, 
or, in Italy, in provender, annona. Thus to levy a road-rate was veredum 
exigere, which in time changed to foderum exigere, this again is equivalent 
to annonam exigere, whence foderum=:annona=provisions=ioddeT. Beda, a 
chariot, stated by Quintilian to be a Gaulish word, comes irom paradu through 
Greek, thus: ^fSepiSos or f3€paiSos>*/3p€8os>pe8r], peSiov whence reddj 
'directly derived from the Greek of Ptolemaic Egypt/ Hence inter alia 
plurima 0. Ir. riadaim, I drive. Here it may be suggested, with due 
timidity, that (1) in reda the e is long; (2) O. Ir. riadaim could not come 
from reda, but only from reda; (3) the cognate words in O. Norse ri^a, etc., 
show a long vowel. But we have little hope of Professor Wiener caring 
much for these things. 

' All the other European languages have derived the word for shield from 
Lat. scutum. We have 0. Ir. sciath, 0. Welsh scuit, O. Breton scoit, Cornish 
ysguydh.' Here one is bound to protest that there is no means known whereby 
sciath could be derived from scutum ; it may be cognate with it, not derived 
from it. Also it is possible that the British forms were influenced by scutum, 

0. Ir. dligim, I owe, is stated to be a loan from L. Lat. dulgere, from Lat. 
indulgere. * The conception of " debt " has arisen in the Germanic, Slavic, 
and Celtic languages through contact with Roman law.' In the case of Slav 
and Germanic this may very well be. In Caesar's time neither Slav nor 
Teuton had advanced appreciably, on Professor Wiener's argument, beyond 
the primitive non-accounting stage. But Gaul had an organised society, 
trade, ships, mines. It is very difficult to suppose that the Gauls had not 
both the conception of debt and a word to express it. The vocalisation of 
dligim is against its being a loan from dulgeo, and the 0. Ir. noun dliged goes 
to show that the word is native Celtic. 

Professor Wiener makes a point that is worth consideration when he 
suggests that the very curious Irish system of fasting on a debtor as a means 
of compelling him to pay up was derived from the ceremony, which appears 
to have been necessary in certain cases under the Salic law, of sitting from 
morning till sunset for a series of days before proceeding with the case in court. 
This, says the author, was a development of the Eoman law of the year 382, 
according to which the severer cases were not to be proceeded with at once, 
but the defendants were to be watched by a guard for the period of thirty days. 
But this derivation of the Irish practice of fasting is not to be accepted oflhand. 

A fair general criticism, so far as the Gaelic expressions treated of are 
concerned, is that the author, notwithstanding his praiseworthy use of the 
historical method, has not considered, openly at least, the historical question, 
under what conditions was it possible for the loans he has suggested, specimens 
of which have been given above, to have been effectively borrowed into Irish "? 
In the opinion of the present writer, most, if not all, of the terms in question, 
in so far as they have any etymological relation to Latin, etc., are cognates, 
not loans. 


Bibliography of Irish Philology and of Printed Irish Literature. Dublin : Printed 
under the Authority of His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1913. Pp. 307. 
This work was begun in 1904 as an endeavour to meet the needs of 
students in the National Library of Ireland, and was at first compiled on 
cards. After the test of seven or more years of constant use, it was decided 
by His Majesty's Stationery Office, on the recommendation of the Irish 
Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, to have the scope 
enlarged, the details revised, and the information published in book form. 
The result is a very great boon to students. The general headings, sub- 
divisions, copious index, and general excellence of arrangement make reference 
easy, not only to books published in Irish or about Irish, but also to articles and 
tracts. For instance, under Ddlaigh (Aonghus nan Aoir), we are referred 
to George Henderson's article in Inverness Gael. Sac. Trans., xxvi. 458-466, 
and so on with regard to hundreds of tracts and articles on special subjects, 
the existence of which to many students would otherwise be unknown. 
The book is indispensable to students and to libraries. 

An Irish Corpus Astronomiae, being Manus O'DonnelVs Seventeenth Century 
Version of the Lunario of Geronymo Cortes. Edited, with Introduction, 
Translation, Notes and Glossary, by Kev. F. W. O'Connell, M.A., 
B.D., Lecturer in the Celtic Languages and Literature in the 
Queen's University of Belfast, and R. M. Henry, Professor of Latin 
in the Queen's University of Belfast. London: David Nutt, 1915. 
Pp. xxxvii + 252. 10s. 6d. net. 

Maghnus Domhnaill, the translator of this Corpus Astronomiae from 
Spanish into Irish Gaelic, was a student at Salamanca during the latter half 
of the seventeenth century. Of his life nothing is known, but in the Royal 
Irish Academy, Dublin, there exist in his handwriting translations of two 
of the Spanish romances of Montalvan, Richard and Lisarda and The Enchanted 
Palace, One of the MSS., dated 1706, bears the legend 'leis an tsagart.i. 
Maghnus Domhnaill.' The Gaelic of the translation is clear and fluent. 
The translator's grasp of the language is such that he has no difficulty with 
technical terms, though sometimes he chooses to borrow the Spanish word, 
and sometimes, quite unnecessarily, uses English words, e.g. is i opinion 
coitcheann na n-astronomic, p. 164. The position of the Spanish author with 
regard to modern learning is indicated by his authorities on agriculture, 
viz., Pliny, Palladius and Abencerief. The treatise deals first with chrono- 
logy, passes on to physics and agriculture, then treats of astrology, and ends 
with a perfunctory account of the application of astrology to medical theory 
and practice. The author's intellectual standpoint is explained in a concise 
Introduction, which gives a most useful synopsis of the work done by 
ancient scholars and investigators in the departments of chronology, physical 
science, and astronomy, and the relations of the last named to medical 
practice. Valuable and curious information is conveyed also in the notes. 
The book is beautifully printed, and forms an interesting addition to Irish 
literature. W. J. W. 


Farquharson Genealogies from the Brouchdearg MS. of 1733, with Continuation 
and Notes. By A. M. Mackintosh, author of The Mackintoshes and Clan 
Chattan. Impression of 100 copies. No. I. Achriachaii Branch. 3s. 
1913. No. II. Inverey Branch. 7s. 1914. Nairn : George Bain. 

The study of clan history and genealogy has an absorbing interest for 
all Celtic people, and as years go on that study becomes more scientific, fresh 
ground has to be traversed and older authorities, on occasion, have to be put 
aside, or corrected on points long accepted as of undeniable accuracy. 

This is well illustrated in Mr. A. M. Mackintosh's recent contribution to 
genealogical research. 

In Farquharson Genealogies Nos. i. and ii., Mr. Mackintosh shows the 
same keen desire to reject everything dubious as he did in his well-known 
work. The Mackintoshes and the Clan Chattan, published in 1901. 

That work includes a chapter on Clan Farquharson or Finlay as a sept 
of the Clan Chattan, and Mr. Mackintosh's researches, and the publication of 
The Records of Invercauld by the Spalding Club in the same year, drew atten- 
tion to a family more or less obscure as to its origin, yet always accorded 
a respectable position amongst other Highland families of note. 

In the two pamphlets before us Mr. Mackintosh has amplified the infor- 
mation contained in his former book. Taking an old MS. genealogy, known 
as the Brouchdearg MS., as his text, and carefully following up the various 
statements made, he has corroborated or amended them as necessary by 
careful searching in Aberdeenshire Records and in the Register House in 
Edinburgh. The MS. from which he works forms one of the most interest- 
ing Highland documents extant, and it must be quoted by all writers on 
Clan Farquharson. Though well known to local historians, and largely used 
in The Records of Invercauld, it has fallen to Mr. Mackintosh to give the genea- 
logy a wider publicity and to establish even the exact identity of its writer, 
Alexander Farquharson of Brouchdearg, and to refute once for all the attacks 
made upon him in the first years of the eighteenth century by Sir ^neas 
MacPherson of Invereshie in a wonderful pamphlet entitled Vanitie Exposed. 

Alexander Farquharson wanted to make his clan out to be of more 
ancient origin than it was. Sir ^neas denied it an origin at all ; but Mr. 
Mackintosh shows Farquharson of Brouchdearg to be an accurate family 
historian in matters within his own knowledge ; and papers found of recent 
years at Castle Grant show that Finlay Mor, son of Farquhar the founder of 
the clan, whom Sir ^neas styles a common soldier, was a king's tenant, 
signing his name in Latin to a document in 1527. 

From this Finlay Mor Farquharson, Brouchdearg starts and traces his 
many sons and their descendants down to 1733; and Mr. Mackintosh has 
taken two families, and, giving the exact paragraph from the MS. relating 
to each, has made out all the references, and carried on the line where 
possible. His notes represent a stupendous amount of research, and 
his efforts to discover the whereabouts of the two original copies of 
the MS. are beyond praise. He works from copies belonging to Dr. 


J. Stuart of the Spalding Club and to Major Lachlan Forbes, the Inver- 
cauld copy not being available. The second volume contains a good 
genealogical tree, and it is perhaps to be regretted that the first volume did 
not contain a condensed tree to show all the ramifications, as often the 
reader has to hunt back through the copious notes to recollect a point which 
in a tree is seen at a glance. Finlay Mor Farquharson, who was killed at 
Pinkie in 1547, is credited with four sons by his first wife, the daughter of 
a Stewart, and five sons by his second wife, Beatrice Garden of Banchory. 

It is with the second family the MS. is concerned; and though uncertainty 
exists as to which of the five sons was the eldest, it is usually stated that 
Donald was the eldest, Robert the second, then Lachlan, George, and Finla in 
the order named. 

Donald was known as * of Castletown,' and from him descended the first 
family of Monaltrie, and of Whitehouse, Finzean, Inverey, Auchendryne, 
Balmoral, Tullochcoy, Belnabodach, Corrachree, Coldrach, and Tullycairn. 
From Robert came Invercauld, Lesmoir, and the second Monaltrie family ; 
from Lachlan came Brouchdearg, the Rochallie and Persie families. From 
George that of Deskry ; and from Finla Achriachan, Tolderchall, Breda, 
and Allergue. The family and genealogy of Invercauld being well known, 
and that of Whitehouse and Finzean also, Mr. Mackintosh has turned his 
attention in Part I., limited to a hundred copies, to the descendants of Finla 
Farquharson of Achriachan, and reprints the genealogy in full five pages, supple- 
menting it with forty pages of most careful notes. The genealogy is brought 
down from 1733 to the present day, and reveals the interesting fact that the 
last heir male in the direct line is a French subject, Charles Alexander 
Finlay, third Baron d'Auchriachan, born in 1829, who by a touching coinci- 
dence is the only one of the line who bears the founder's name, being de- 
scended from John, second son of the fifth Farquharson of Achriachan, who, 
educated at the Scots College in Paris, entered the French King's Scottish 
Body Guard in 1741, and becoming a French subject assumed the name of 
Charles Stuart. 

The pedigree of the claimants in the Breda Succession Case, 1859, is set 
forth with great clearness, as Farquharson of Breda and Farquharson of 
Allergue were offshoots of Achriachan and Allergue is still represented in the 
female line by Major David Wilson-Farquharson of Allergue. Another 
descendant was Elizabeth, daughter of Francis Farquharson, married to the 
Baron de Hugel, sometime Austrian Ambassador in Italy. 

The Second Farquharson Genealogy printed in 1914, The Inverey 
Branchy also limited to a hundred copies, amplifies what was previously 
printed as to the general history of the clan, and gives more information as 
to the 'Tutor' of Brouchdearg. Mr. Mackintosh has proved to his own 
satisfaction that he was not Alexander Farquharson sometime tutor and 
afterwards laird of Brouchdearg, who died some twenty years before the 
date of the MS., but his nephew Alexander, who was his predecessor in the 
lairdship, a small one to the south of Glenshee, in Perthshire, but from 
whom it was adjudged, whilst still a lad, in 1683. Known to local legend 



as ' Fear-na-bruach,' the Man of the Braes, he lived at Invercauld till 1747 
or 1748, and the genealogy against which Sir ^neas MacPherson wrote so 
violently was written in 1697 to 1703, although 'made in 1707' is the 
generally received date. Then in 1733 Brouchdearg produced the other 
MS., omitting the descent from the Earls of Fife, which had adorned the 
earlier production. This and another copy came to be known as the 
Whitehouse and Finzean copies, neither of which is forthcoming. From 
the Whitehouse copy was made that on which Mr. Mackintosh works, and is 
brought down later than 1733. Farquharson Genealogies, No. ii., extends to 
ninety-one pages and covers that branch of the family which is doubtless 
the most romantic and interesting — Inverey at the head waters of the Dee ; 
Inverey against which a curse was fulminated ; Inverey that produced the 
* Black Colonel ' and ' Maighistir Iain,' the famous Gaelic scholar Father 
John Farquharson of Douai and Strathglass. Inverey branched off into 
Auchendryne, Balmoral, Tullochcoy, Belnabodach and Corrachree, families 
still represented in the male line in New Zealand by Mr. James Farquharson, 
of Signal Hill, Dunedin, and in Scotland by his son Francis Farquharson, of 
Belnabodach ; and in the female line by Major Ferguson, through succeeding 
to his uncle. Major MacPherson-Farquharson of Corrachree. The Inverey s 
descended from Donald, eldest son of Finla Mor by his second wife, called 
of Castletown and Monaltrie; and from him came also the families of 
Whitehouse, Finzean, Allanaquoich, Coldrach and Tullycairn. It begins 
with 'Donald MacFheanlay's fourth son, James of Inverey,' an interesting 
spelling of the Gaelic ' MacFhionnlaigh,' and preserved in the Pasfield 
Oliver's family, whose great-grandmother was Mary, daughter of John 
Farquharson of Invercauld. 

The hero of Deeside is undoubtedly (after Donald Og na h-Alba) the 
third Inverey, known as the ' Black Colonel ' or ' Colonel of the Marrmen 
at the Revolution under my Lord Dundee,' as the genealogist has it, 
round whom are woven many tales in the well-known and fascinating book 
Legends of the Braes o' Mar. 

Mr. Mackintosh has made plain the stirring ballad of the Baron of 
Braichlie, in which the ' Black Colonel ' plays a gallant if unlawful part — a 
ballad which some hold belonged to an earlier period. 

If it were only for the notes on the ballad the pamphlets would be 
valuable, and to any one who wishes to understand the history of the 
Highlands of Aberdeenshire throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries they are a storehouse of accurate information. Every 
reference is verified and clue followed up, and No. ii. is embellished by an 
interesting picture of Old Balmoral from a print belonging to the Rev. 
John Stirton, and once in the possession of Mrs. Chisholm of Glassburn, 
the grand-daughter of Lewis Farquharson, brother of James, 'last Far- 
quharson of Balmoral.' 

* Old Balmoral ' is described as a picturesque, crowstepped, whitewashed, 
ivy-clad house by one yet living, who stood at the door of his cottage and 
saw it blown up to make room for the royal dwelling of that dynasty whose 


seat on the throne was once threatened by the brave men of Mar under 
James Farquharson of Balmoral and Inverey, who was wounded at Falkirk. 

It is to be sincerely hoped that Mr. Mackintosh will be able to give us yet 
further notes from the Brouchdearg MS., for he knows how to make fact and 
romance go hand in-hand, and the old scribe whom he follows has recorded 
many graphic little episodes, notes Gaelic with names of clansmen all bear- 
ing the same Christian names, and shows a truly Highland pride in his race. 

It is also to be hoped" that the limited edition may speedily be sold out 
in order to help the author to carry on this labour of love on the archives 
of a family which, if much declined in numbers to-day, is yet proud to 
record its descent from the many sons of Findla the Great. 

Note. — The name of the Founder is Englished indiscriminately as 
Finla, Findla, and Finlay, and either form is permissible. 

Louisa E. Farquharson. 

Keys to the Baskish Verb in Leizarragas New Testament. By E. S. DoDGSON, 
M.A. London: H. Milford, 1915. 

For many years Mr. Dodgson has been gradually publishing his index 
to the numerous and complicated forms of the Basque verb which occur 
in the oldest prose monument of the language, the version of the New 
Testament by Lei9arrage, which was published at La Rochelle in 1571. 
The present instalment is much larger than any of its predecessors, extending 
to no less than 624 pages, but comprises some portions which were formerly 
issued separately. Here are included St. John's Gospel, the Acts, the 
Apocalypse, the Epistles to the Romans, ^Corinthians, and Titus, and those 
• of St. James and St. Peter. The method adopted by Mr. Dodgson really 
amounts to printing the greater portion of all these texts under the forms 
of the verb, together with the French equivalents from a New Testament 
of 1566. The addition of the French texts, and the device of printing the 
verb in italics with its complement in capitals, makes it possible to learn a great 
deal about the language by a process of simple comparison. We have found 
that with the help of these indexes alone it is possible to make some progress 
towards understanding the Testamentu Berria, edited by Mr. Dodgson in 1908. 

Although the old idea that Basque had some relationship to the Celtic 
languages has gone the way of many other linguistic fancies, there is still 
some reason why Celtic scholars should not quite ignore it. It is possible 
that it is the sole representative of the supposed ' Iberian ' tongues which 
preceded Celtic in Western Europe, and which may have in some way 
influenced Celtic idiom and syntax. The difficulty of deciding whether 
early place-names are Celtic or pre-Celtic might also be diminished by some 
study in this field. For these reasons Celtic scholars ought not to overlook 
Mr. Dodgson's work, which also sets a good example of careful and patient 
collecting and arranging of linguistic material. There is still much work 
of this kind which might be done with profit on older Irish and even Scottish 
Gaelic Texts. However mechanical the work of index-making may seem, 
a good index has seldom failed to be of service, and has often led to 
discoveries of some importance. W. A. Craigie. 



University of Toronto 


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